Wazanzibari wamwandikia barua ya wazi Rais Kikwete

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Written by mkulima // 29/04/2011 // Habari // No comments

April 28, 2011
Rais Jakaya Kikwete
Zanzibar Daima imepokea barua ifuatayo kupitia njia ya e-mail kutoka kwa anwani iliyojitambilisha kama Uhuru Wetu. Barua hii inaelekezwa kwa Rais wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania, Mhe. Jakaya Kikwete, kutoka kwa kundi la watu wanaojiita wawakilishi wa mikoa mitano ya Zanzibar. Ambapo Zanzibar Daima haiwezi kuthibitisha uhalali wa kuwepo kwa kundi hilo, inatambua kwamba hisia zinazoelezwa kwenye barua yenyewe ni za msingi na ni maarufu miongoni mwa jamii ya Kizanzibari. Hapa tunaichapisha kama ilivyo kwa lengo la kuwapa wengine fursa ya kujua kilichomo.
BARUA YA WAZI KWA RAIS WA JAMHURI YA MUUNGANO WA TANZANIA
Mheshimiwa Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete,
Rais wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania,
Ikulu – Magogoni,
Dar es Salaam
Tanzaania.
Kwako Mheshimiwa Rais,
YAH: MUUNGANO WA MIAKA 47 WA JAMHURI YA WATU WA ZANZIBAR NA JAMHURI YA TANGANYIKA
Mheshimiwa Rais wetu kipenzi, sisi tulioandika barua hii ni kwa makubaliano na ushirikiano wa dhati na wananchi wenzetu wa mikoa mitano ya Zanzibar, ili kukufikishia wewe mlezi na kiongozi mwenye dhamana ya taifa letu.
Kwa masikitiko makubwa hatuna budi kufikisha kilio chetu kwako wewe Rais wetu ambaye upo katika kipindi chako cha pili na cha lala-salama kikatiba katika kuliongoza taifa hili bila ya mafanikio juu ya ahadi zako ulizozitoa za kuzimaliza kero za muungano baina ya watu wa Zanzibar na Watanganyika.
Mheshimiwa Rais, tunajua wazi kwamba wakati bado unao; lakini kila jua linapozama ndivyo kadiri siku za mamlaka yako kama rais zinavyozidi kupotea. Hivyo fahamu unaondoka ukiwa na deni kubwa kwetu Wazanzibari na Watanzania kwa ujumla. Deni hili ni lile uliloanza kulibebea ahadi ya utekelezaji ndani ya kipindi cha miaka mitano ya mwanzo ya uwongozi wako.
Utakumbuka kabla ya kuingia katika uchaguzi wa mwaka 2005, wakati Chama Cha Mapinduzi – CCM kilipokua na wagombea wengi wenye sifa zinazoshabihiana, ulikuja kwetu Zanzibar kwa watoto wetu ambao baadhi yao ni viongozi wetu; ili kuomba kuungwa mkono na kupewa ushirikiano huku ukiwaahidi kwamba ungezipatia ufumbuzi kero zote za Muungano, lakini kumbe tulitia mkono kizani.
Mheshimiwa Rais, ahadi zako juu ya kuziondoa kero za Muungano ulizibainisha hadharani wakati ulipolizindua Bunge la tisa (9) Disemba 30, 2005 pale ulipobainisha majukumu matatu (3) ya msingi ambayo wewe na serekali yako mungeyatekeleza ikiwa ni pamoja na kuhakikisha pande zote mbili zilizounda Muungano zinafaidika na kuridhishwa na Muungano wao huo. Aidha katika kipengele cha tatu (3) ulituahidi kuwa demokrasia yetu itazidi kustawi na serekali yako itaendeshwa kwa misingi ya utawala bora, utawala wa sheria na kuheshimu haki za binadamu.
Licha wewe na serekali yako kushindwa kuyatekeleza yale mambo makuu matatu uliyoyapa kipaumbele katika awamu yako ya 2005 – 2010, lakini hukujisikia aibu kuwaeleza watanzania kupitia Bunge jipya la kumi (10) kwamba mambo yale uliyoyaahidi katika Bunge lililopita (la tisa) bado yataendelea kuwa ndiyo majukumu yako ya msingi katika kipindi chako hiki cha pili (2010 – 1015).
Mheshimiwa rais, utakumbuka wakati unalihutubia Bunge hili la kumi (10) tulilonalo hivi sasa ulitoa vipaumbele kumi na tatu (13) licha ya kushindwa na vile vitatu vya mwanzo (vya Bunge la tisa); na ulituahidi watanzania kwamba utavitekeleza kwa ARI ZAIDI, NGUVU ZAIDI NA KASI ZAIDI. Mheshimiwa nadhani haitakua vibaya kama tutakukukumbusha walau kidogo baadhi ya ahadi ulizotuahidi katika hutuba yako ya Bunge la kumi:
Kwanza kabisa uliahidi kwamba utahakikisha nchi yetu inaendelea kuwa yenye umoja, amani, na usalama; na muungano wetu utaendelea kudumu na kuimarika.
Pia kwa mara nyengine tena uliahidi kuimarisha utawala bora, demokrasia, utawala wa sheria na haki za binadamu, wakati ukijua wazi kwamba katika miaka mitano yako ya mwanzo vipengele vyote hivi viwili ulishindwa kuvitekeleza.
Jee Mheshimiwa Rais, hii rasimu kuhusu mpya uliyotuandalia kwa ushirikiano wa makusudi na serekali yako bila hata kufuata kanuni na sheria za muungano wetu; ndio kutaka kuimarisha umoja, amani na usalama wa kweli?
Jee huu ndio utawala bora, utawala wa sheria wa demokrasia yenye kujali haki za binadamu?
Au huu ndio mkakati maalum wa kuhakikisha kuwa muungano wetu unaendelea kudumu na kuimarika?
Mheshimiwa Rais, sisi wazee tunaowakilisha wenzetu wa mikoa mitano ya Zanzibar tunaunga mkono kwa nguvu zetu zote wale wote waliokataa na kuupinga mswada huo (rasimu ya mswada ya utaratibu wa kutunga katiba). Sambamba na hili, tunachukua nafasi hii kutoa pongezi kwa wazanzibari wote walioacha tofauti zao zote na kuweza kusimama kidete na kwa pamoja kwa hoja za wazi na madhubuti katika kupinga mswada huu unaoonekana wazi kuandaliwa kwa makusudi mazima ili kuiteketeza na kuimaliza Zanzibar. Hii ni haki ya kikatiba kwao kwa sababu Zanzibar ni nchi yao halali na hivyo hawana budi kuonyesha uzalendo na kuchokeshwa kwao na dharau, kebehi za serekali ya muungano kwa nchi yao.
Mheshimiwa Rais, tunakuomba kwa heshima zote wewe na serekali yetu ya muungano; tafadhalini sana sana msikie kilio cha wazanzibari. Tunajua asili na tabia yako wewe si mtu wa pupa, jazba na hamaki. Bali tabia yako imepambwa na busara, hekima, usikivu na utaratibu, sifa ambazo ni sawa na lulu na ndizo zinazokutofautisha sana wewe na baadhi ya viongozi waliotangulia. Jambo hili limewiyana sana kwa wewe kuwa rais, kwani Ikulu ya Rais inatarajiwa wakati wote ionekane ni yenye kutumia busara, hekima na taadhima katika kuongoza kwa kujali maslahi ya wananchi wa maeneo yote kwa kuzingatia misingi sahihi ya utu na ubinadamu.
Kwa kuwa tunataka ziendelee sifa njema hizi kwako, tunakuomba sana usikizibie masikio kilio chetu wazanzibari. Kisikilize kwa kuzingatia uhalali na sheria, na wala hatudai kupendelewa kama wengine wanavyoweza kudhania.
Mheshimiwa Rais, wazanzibari si wenda-wazimu, si mataahira, na wala si wajinga wa kudiriki kupinga kitu bila ya kujua dhara na athari zake. Wazanzibari wanataka mabadiliko makubwa ndani ya muungano tulionao, kwani tunaamini na ndivyo ukweli ulivyo kwamba makubaliano ya muungano wetu huu (the articles of union) yamekiukwa na hivyo kuweka kasoro kubwa katika uhalali wake.
Sisi tunaamini kwamba huu ni wakati muafaka na mnasaba wa kuujadili muungano upya. Na baadae watu wa Zanzibar na watu wa Tanganyika (Tanzania bara) wapewe fursa ya peee ya kuulizwa juu ya muungano upi wanaoutaka. Hivyo majibu yatakayotoka pande zote mbili ndiyo yapewe tume ili yafanyiwe kazi inayostahiki,ijapokuwa tume itakua inayafanyia kazi maoni ambayo yalishafanyiwa kazi katika repoti ya Jaji Nyalali ya mwaka 1992, na ripoti ya Jaji Robert Kisanga, katika maoni yote yalipendekeza kuundwa kwa serekali tatu (3).
Haikuishia hapo, lakini pia katika serekali ya Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi; waziri mkuu wake wakati ule John Samuel Malecela alikwishakamilisha na kulieleza Bunge juu ya nia ya kuwepo mswaada wa kuanzishwa kwa serekali ya Tanganyika; wakati wewe Mheshimiwa Rais ulikua ni mbunge. Lakini muasisi wa taifa la Tanganyika Mwalimu Nyerere akatumia uwezo wa chama na kulilazimisha bunge lisiujadili, na hatimaye baadae kufukuzwa kwa Malecela kwa nafasi ya uwaziri mkuu. Ukiyaangalia haya yote yanaonesha maoni ya watanzania ni kuundwa kwa serekali tatu. Pamoja na maoni yote hayo, serekali ya muungano ikayapuuza na yamebakia katika kumbukumbu na maandiko tu.
Ikiwa yote haya yalipuuzwa; jee hiyo tume itakayoundwa itakuja kufanya nini? Au maoni yanayotakiwa yatolewe ni ya kuundwa kwa serekali moja? Kwani tokea zamani ilishaonekana serekali mbili hazitakiwi, moja haikubaliki, na serekali tatu ni kinyume na sera ya chama tawala (C.C.M).
Januari 12, 1964 sisi wazanzibari tulifanya mapinduzi, haya hayakua mapinduzi ya kuondosha kilemba bali yalikua mapinduzi ya wakulima na wafanya kazi yenye dhamira na lengo la kuimarisha dola ya Zanzibar na ustawi wa wa jamii na maisha ya vizazi vyake ya kuondosha aina zote za madhila, matabaka na kuimarisha heshima ya ndani na ya nje ya nchi, sio kugeuzwa mkoa, na wala sio Rais wetu wa Zanzibar kuwa waziri katika serekali ya muungano wa Tanzania.
Mheshimiwa Rais, haitakua ajabu kama itafikia pahala ama wazanzibari, watanganyika, au wote kwa pamoja kama watakataa muungano. Maamuzi yao yaheshimiwe na tuachane na muungano kwa salama na amani.
Hii haitakua aibu kwetu kwani ni jambo la kawaida kwa mataifa yaliyoungana na hatamae kugawanyika ili kila mmoja ashike ubao wake na aendelee na safari katika jahazi lake. Zipo nchi nyingi zilizowahi kupita katika mkondo kama huu wa Muungano na leo hii wameshasahau kama walikua wamoja.
Tukiachilia mifano ya zamani ya kama taifa la USSR – Union of Soviet Socialist Republics ambao uliundwa na mataifa kama vile Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, na Uzbekistan. Muungano huu ulidumu takriban kwa miaka 67,na hivyo una historia kubwa zaidi kwani ni tangu mwaka 1924 na uliweza kuvunjika mwaka1991.
Sasa tuuchukue mfano wa karibu sana wa taifa la SUDAN; nchi iliyokua moja tangu enzi lakini leo imegawika na kuwa mataifa mawili huru baada ya watu waishio Sudan ya kusini walipopiga kura ya maoni (Sudan referendum) tarehe 9 hadi 15 Januari 2011 na kuona kuna haja ya kujitenga na wenzao wa kaskazini. Haya yalikuwa ni utekelezaji wa makubaliano ya 2005 ya Naivasha (Naivasha Agreement) baina ya serekali kuu ya Khartoum (Sudan) na mrengo uliojulikana kwa jina la Sudan People’s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M)
Je katika mungano wetu wa Tanzania hapakua na makubaliano yoyote juu ya pande hizi mbili? Yalikuwepo (the articles of union) yenye mambo kumi na moja (11) tu. Basi kwa nini makubalino hayo yavunjwe? Na ni nani alikua na mamlaka ya kufanya hivyo; kama si dharau na kebehi kwa Zanzibar?
Mheshimiwa Rais, tarehe 26/04/2011 ni siku ya kusherehekea muungano huu tunaoulilia hapa, na tuna imani kubwa wewe ndiye mgeni rasmi wa hafla hiyo itakayofanyika uwanja wa Amaan – Zanzibar. Sisi wenyeji wako wa Zanzibar tunakwambia “karibu sana”. Tunakukaribisha lakini ujuwe kuwa wazanzibari wote utakaowaona hapo, na hata wale watakaokuzunguka katika jukwaa kubwa; hawana furaha kabisa na muungano. Bali wana dukuduku, machungu na masononeko juu ya muungano.
Tafadhali sana Mheshimiwa Rais; tunakuomba usikie mawazo yetu, ili uyachukue na kuyapa nafasi kubwa katika maamuzi yako. Wazanzibari wanataka nchi yao yenye mamlaka kamili ya kuendesha dola yao.kati sisi na nyie tutabakia na udugu na ujirani mwema.
Sisi wazee tunasema “mficha maradhi kifo humuumbua”.
“Pasaka njema”
Imetumwa na wazee wanaowakilisha mikoa mitano ya Zanzibar leo tarehe 21/04/2011 na:
Mwakilishi wa mkoa wa kaskazini Pemba,
Mbwana Ali Faki
Mwakilishi wa mkoa wa kusini Pemba,
Bikhole Sheha Khatoro
Mwakilishi wa mkoa wa kusini Unguja,
Ussi Ameri Nahoda
Mwakilishi wa mkoa wa kaskazini Unguja,
Haji Mbaruku Bakari
Mwakilishi wa mkoa wa Mjini Magharibi Unguja,
Mpatani Mussa Sariboko
Nakla:
Vyombo vya habari.
 


Babu, a committed Zanzibari communist?

October 18, 2008 zanzibardaima



Malcolm X (left) and Abdulrahman Babu

By H M Meskri

Abdulrahman Mohamed Babu was born in 1924 in Zanzibar in East Africa, then a British protectorate.

He described the place and period in which he grew up in a brief autobiographical sketch which was intended to form the basis of the memoirs which he had been commissioned to write, but which were always postponed by more immediate work relating to contemporary struggles:

‘Zanzibar, with its trade and maritime links all over the world, was a unique place in which to grow up. Although for all practical purposes a British colony with all the complexities of a racially stratified society, it had a rich and dynamic culture peculiar to its situation.

During World War 2 many young Zanzibaris were drafted to fight in British armies, mostly in Africa and Asia…in the post-war period they returned from the war zones bringing back the reality and scale of imperialist violence.

Their stories of meeting recruits from other colonies (especially those from the ‘Gold Coast' now Ghana, in the Burma campaign) helped make us in Zanzibar aware of the possibilities of solidarity and revolution.

Meanwhile, East Africa itself was entering the epoch of rebellion.

The youth of Zanzibar were engulfed in the mood of the epoch. Jomo Kenyatta's mobilisation of Kenya Africans in a political party against the white-settler rule in Kenya brought home to the rest of us in E. Africa the need for a national political organisation.

The rise of the Kenya ‘freedom fighters', which later led to the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya gave us the deeper meaning of liberation struggle'.

In 1951 Babu went to Britain to study Philosophy and English Literature and was drawn first to Anarchism and then to Marxism.

London was then a center for anti-colonial movements and Babu was to play a key role in the well-known left-led Movement for Colonial Freedom which had its base there.

Babu writes of the impact on his generation of Nkrumah's victory in Ghana in 1956, ‘coming as it did after the Chinese Revolution, the Viet Minh victory against the French at Dien Bien Phu and the Algerian Revolution, it gave us a new awareness of the importance and effectiveness of the `mass political party' against colonialism'.

In 1957 Babu returned to Zanzibar to become Secretary General of Zanzibar's first political party, the Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP).

Under Babu's leadership the party organised urban workers, rural workers and seafaring workers and mobilised the urban petty bourgeoisie.

The party developed a consistent anti-colonialist political line; a grassroots organisation of party branches at local level; and links with the worldwide, and especially African, anti-imperialist struggle.

This was the era when the movement for Pan African Unity was emerging, and Babu participated in the historic All African People's Conference in Accra, Ghana in 1958 along with Nkrumah, Franz Fanon and Patrice Lumumba, whom Babu and his comrades ‘discovered' when traveling through the Congo on the way to the conference, and took with them to Accra.

In the same period, Babu describes how `I was the first liberation fighter from East and Central Africa to visit revolutionary China, in 1959/60. From then on I was keenly following the ups and downs of the Chinese experiences; meetings with Mao, Chou En Lai, Marshal Chen Yi, Deng Tsiao Ping, and others, immensely heightened my revolutionary spirit and optimism.

I became a correspondent for the Chinese News Agency HSINHUA for East and Central Africa, which deepened my knowledge of the Chinese revolutionary trends, especially the underlying causes and the significance of the Chinese ‘Cultural Revolution'.

Seeing Babu as a threat to continuing post-independence neo-colonial domination, and a source of ‘Chinese influence' in the region, the British, with the collaboration of reactionary elements within the ZNP itself, had Babu imprisoned for two years on charges of `sedition'.

The independence which was negotiated in 1962 led to the formation of a right-wing coalition government still controlled by the British, which intensified repression against trade unionists, youth leaders and other progressive elements.

By 1963 it was clear that the left could no longer play an effective role within the ZNP and under the leadership of Babu, a mass revolutionary party, the Umma (People's) Party, was launched, galvanising working class and peasant youth across racial groupings into action.

The Zanzibar Revolution took place in 1964 – an uprising led by a number of political forces which the Umma Party was able to partially transform into a socialist revolution.

For the U.S., Zanzibar was now the ‘Cuba of Africa' from which communism would spread across the continent, and there followed a period of intense CIA activity.

Only four months after the Revolution, the U.S. succeeded in engineering a union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar (to form Tanzania) which effectively crushed the progressive potential of the revolution and `neutralised' Zanzibar.

Between 1964 and 1972, Babu headed various ministries in the Tanzanian government, in particular the Ministry of Planning. This was the phase in which he negotiated the construction of the historic Tanzania/Zambia Railways (TAZARA) by China.

He also played an active role in the international arena in this period when the Cold War was at its height, making links with Che Guevara, Castro and others. Visiting New York as leader of the Tanzanian delegation to the U.N. he spoke at a historic mass rally with Malcolm X in Harlem.

The relationship with Malcolm X deepened and Babu was one of the key influences who led Malcolm to an anti-imperialist world view.

However throughout this period there were sharp contradictions between President Nyerere's policies of so-called ‘African Socialism' which focused on ‘welfarism' neglecting the crucial task of restructuring the colonial economy, and Babu's scientific socialism to which the development of the productive forces was central.

In 1972, Babu along with other comrades from the Umma Party was arrested on false charges of murdering President Karume of Zanzibar. Though never convicted, Babu remained in prison in Tanzania until 1978, when he was released under international pressure.

During his time in prison, Babu wrote his classic book ‘African Socialism or Socialist Africa?' outlining a comprehensive strategy for Africa's economic and political development.

After his release Babu lived first in America for four years and then in London. Taking up teaching posts in a series of Universities, he became highly respected as a scholar and commentator. His enthusiasm, warmth, openness and clarity made him an immensely popular teacher.

Living in London Babu became a friend and source of strength to struggling peoples all over the world. Among the many visits which he made in this context was one to IPKF-occupied Jaffna in Sri Lanka in 1989, to commemorate the Tamil human rights activist and feminist Rajani Thiranagama, murdered by the LTTE.

But most importantly perhaps, Babu continued to play a unique role in African politics. In the face of the intensifying economic stranglehold and ideological hegemony of Western agencies, he spoke and wrote of the need for a second liberation of Africa.

In much of his work, economic nationalism was a central theme. He believed passionately that only by channeling the people's energies into developing the productive forces could the vicious circle of poverty, aid and dependency be broken.

He was always searching for sparks of hope and ready to fan them, and became a close adviser and mentor to a whole range of progressive movements – such as those in Eritrea, Uganda and Ethiopia – challenging neo-colonial military regimes and IMF/World Bank dominance.

He was also instrumental in the resurgence of Pan Africanism with a relevance to contemporary conditions.

This led to the establishment of a Pan African Movement which held the historic 7th Pan African Congress in Kampala, Uganda in April 1994, under the slogans ‘Resist Recolonisation!' and ‘Don't Agonise, Organise!'

In 1995 when Tanzania held its first multi-party elections, the main opposition party in mainland Tanzania, the NCCR-Mageuzi, with a strong base among urban working class youth and sections of the peasantry, asked Babu to stand as Vice-Presidential candidate.

Babu identified the party as having the potential to challenge the hegemony of the corrupt ruling CCM which had essentially become the party of neo-colonialism and reduced Tanzania to the second poorest country in the world.

The NCCR had a mass popular base and Babu saw its policies as ‘progressive and democratic, with an economic programme which, with some modification, could lead the way out of the blind alley into which the CCM has lead the country'.

He returned to Tanzania in August 1995 to a massive and ecstatic welcome from the people. However he was eventually prevented from standing by the legal manipulations of the ruling party.

As always putting political commitment before personal ego, Babu remained in the country tirelessly campaigning for the party.

When the NCCR lost after massive rigging by the ruling party, Babu wrote two seminal pamphlets (‘Tanzania's first multi-party elections' and ‘Wanted: a Third Force in Zanzibar') analysing the situation and suggesting a way forward.

As an Eritrean liberation fighter put it, Babu had ‘the courage to say what he thought, the foresight to be optimistic about Africa's potential and the integrity to live in accordance with the dictates of his conscience when doing all this was neither fashionable nor expedient'.

Throughout his political life Babu remained a communist, for whom Marxism was not only an ideology but a method of analysis.

It was this dialectical approach which enabled him to identify without dogma or sectarianism the forces of progress and change within any situation, while at the same time never losing his commitment to the socialist future of Africa and of the world.

Source: zanzinet.net retrieved on 18th October, 2008

Babu, a committed Zanzibari communist? « Zanzibar Daima

UJUMBE:


Kwangu mimi Muungano ni dhahabu, mbali na umzigo wake kiuchumi kwetu Bara, hivyo niambie tukaiboreshe kwenye mjadala wa wazi wa wananchi kuunda katiba bila udalali na mpaka hapo tutaelewana.

Lakini kuniambia nivunje tu Muungano huu adimu eti kwa sababu kwenye fikra ya mtu fulani wazo lilitokana na CIA wala sitokusikiliza. Kitu kizuri kwenye mwanga hata ukiwa nayo gizani bado ni kizuri tu.

Kwa kumalizia, nasema huenda Muungano ulikua MZURI huko miaka ya nyuma lakini katika huu ulimwengu wa sasa wa utandawazi kute duniani, dhana ya Muungano ni NJEMA SAAAAAAAAAAAAAAANA TENA SANA!! Chamsingi tukaliboreshi sisi wananchi na wala tusiwaachie viongozi hiyo kazi.​
 
East Afrika haikuwa UK protectarate kama muandikaji anavyodai, tatizo tulilonalo ni kuwa na rais lege lege. Kwa nini anakuwa legelege ni kwa sababu nafsi yake inamsuta kwa sababu hakushinda kihalali. Matatizo ya Muungano yatapatiwa ufumbuzi mara atakapopatikana rais mwenye mandate inayokubalika.
 
Nawapongeza wazee wa Zanzibar hasa kwenye kipengele cha kuvunja muungano tukaachana kwa amani kama mlivyosema na kila nchi ijue lake. tubakie kuwa ndugu na majirani wema, wanaotaka kuoa zanzibar wapewe ruksa kuendelea kufanya hivyo.
 


Mheshimiwa Rais, .......tunajua asili na tabia yako wewe si mtu wa pupa, jazba na hamaki. Bali tabia yako imepambwa na busara, hekima, usikivu na utaratibu, sifa ambazo ni sawa na lulu na ndizo zinazokutofautisha sana wewe na baadhi ya viongozi waliotangulia. J ambo hili limewiyana sana kwa wewe kuwa rais, kwani Ikulu ya Rais inatarajiwa wakati wote ionekane ni yenye kutumia busara, hekima na taadhima katika kuongoza kwa kujali maslahi ya wananchi wa maeneo yote kwa kuzingatia misingi sahihi ya utu na ubinadamu.

Mheshimiwa Rais, wazanzibari si wenda-wazimu, si mataahira, na wala si wajinga wa kudiriki kupinga kitu bila ya kujua dhara na athari zake. Wazanzibari wanataka mabadiliko makubwa ndani ya muungano tulionao, kwani tunaamini na ndivyo ukweli ulivyo kwamba makubaliano ya muungano wetu huu (the articles of union) yamekiukwa na hivyo kuweka kasoro kubwa katika uhalali wake.

Dah, hii kweli imeandikwa na wazeee....

Bila shaka mheshimiwa

"msikivu" (sina uhakika sana na kiwango chake cha usikivu, maana usikivumeter yangu inamsomea very low

"Mwenye busara na Hekma" ...sidhani kama ana-fit tafsiri yangu ya busara kulingana na tafsiri halisi ya kwenye Kamusi

Atawajibu kama mtakavyo na hatawageuza kuwa "mataahira, wenda wazimu au wajinga"...subirini jibu lake
 
Hivii....huenda kuna mambo siyaelewi vizuri, labda ni kutokana na umri wangu, au kisomo changu au labda ugeni wangu hapa mjini. Naomba wanajamvi tudadavue hapa,bila kona nyingi wala maneno mengii,yaani ikiwezekana tutumie tu namba,bullets au hata michoro tuu(kihandisi zaidi)....mnisaidie,ni kwanini Muungano usivunjike na wazanzibari wakajitangazia yooote hayo ambayo wanaona wanayakosa wanapokua kwenye Muungano? Why? I bet my shoes, tukifanya referendum kesho wazanzibari watataka muungano uvunjike straight usidhani watataka serikali tatu! I think I'm growing tired of all these noises kwamba tunaungana na wenzetu wanaodhani wanaonewa! Si ni dhambi hata kwa Mungu jamani!

"If you love freedom set it free.If it comes back, it's yours.If it doesn't ,it never was" - Jon Stewart - Comedy Central - CNN
 
Hawa zanzibari nao wametuchosha na vilio vyao, uwezo umo ndani yao lakini bado wanapiga kelele tu zisizo na maana, wana radio zanzibar, wanaye rais wana baraza la waziri pia wawakirishi wana kmkm, sasa si wa-declare tu kwamba ni nchi huru.Sijui wanachosubiri ni nini na kelele zisizo isha.

Wakisema wako huru siamini kama kuna jeshi litaenda kuwa arrest akina Shein ama maalim seif.
 
Wao kama wanaona vipi walekona, mbona unguja hakuna maendeleo ni pemba tu hizi kuna hizo zanzibar kweli au kudanganyana tu, yasijekua yale ya mwalimu nyerere aliyosema.
 
Babu, a committed Zanzibari communist?

October 18, 2008 zanzibardaima



Malcolm X (left) and Abdulrahman Babu

By H M Meskri

Abdulrahman Mohamed Babu was born in 1924 in Zanzibar in East Africa, then a British protectorate.

He described the place and period in which he grew up in a brief autobiographical sketch which was intended to form the basis of the memoirs which he had been commissioned to write, but which were always postponed by more immediate work relating to contemporary struggles:

‘Zanzibar, with its trade and maritime links all over the world, was a unique place in which to grow up. Although for all practical purposes a British colony with all the complexities of a racially stratified society, it had a rich and dynamic culture peculiar to its situation.

During World War 2 many young Zanzibaris were drafted to fight in British armies, mostly in Africa and Asia…in the post-war period they returned from the war zones bringing back the reality and scale of imperialist violence.

Their stories of meeting recruits from other colonies (especially those from the ‘Gold Coast’ now Ghana, in the Burma campaign) helped make us in Zanzibar aware of the possibilities of solidarity and revolution.

Meanwhile, East Africa itself was entering the epoch of rebellion.

The youth of Zanzibar were engulfed in the mood of the epoch. Jomo Kenyatta’s mobilisation of Kenya Africans in a political party against the white-settler rule in Kenya brought home to the rest of us in E. Africa the need for a national political organisation.

The rise of the Kenya ‘freedom fighters’, which later led to the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya gave us the deeper meaning of liberation struggle’.

In 1951 Babu went to Britain to study Philosophy and English Literature and was drawn first to Anarchism and then to Marxism.

London was then a center for anti-colonial movements and Babu was to play a key role in the well-known left-led Movement for Colonial Freedom which had its base there.

Babu writes of the impact on his generation of Nkrumah’s victory in Ghana in 1956, ‘coming as it did after the Chinese Revolution, the Viet Minh victory against the French at Dien Bien Phu and the Algerian Revolution, it gave us a new awareness of the importance and effectiveness of the `mass political party’ against colonialism’.

In 1957 Babu returned to Zanzibar to become Secretary General of Zanzibar’s first political party, the Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP).

Under Babu’s leadership the party organised urban workers, rural workers and seafaring workers and mobilised the urban petty bourgeoisie.

The party developed a consistent anti-colonialist political line; a grassroots organisation of party branches at local level; and links with the worldwide, and especially African, anti-imperialist struggle.

This was the era when the movement for Pan African Unity was emerging, and Babu participated in the historic All African People’s Conference in Accra, Ghana in 1958 along with Nkrumah, Franz Fanon and Patrice Lumumba, whom Babu and his comrades ‘discovered’ when traveling through the Congo on the way to the conference, and took with them to Accra.

In the same period, Babu describes how `I was the first liberation fighter from East and Central Africa to visit revolutionary China, in 1959/60. From then on I was keenly following the ups and downs of the Chinese experiences; meetings with Mao, Chou En Lai, Marshal Chen Yi, Deng Tsiao Ping, and others, immensely heightened my revolutionary spirit and optimism.

I became a correspondent for the Chinese News Agency HSINHUA for East and Central Africa, which deepened my knowledge of the Chinese revolutionary trends, especially the underlying causes and the significance of the Chinese ‘Cultural Revolution’.

Seeing Babu as a threat to continuing post-independence neo-colonial domination, and a source of ‘Chinese influence’ in the region, the British, with the collaboration of reactionary elements within the ZNP itself, had Babu imprisoned for two years on charges of `sedition’.

The independence which was negotiated in 1962 led to the formation of a right-wing coalition government still controlled by the British, which intensified repression against trade unionists, youth leaders and other progressive elements.

By 1963 it was clear that the left could no longer play an effective role within the ZNP and under the leadership of Babu, a mass revolutionary party, the Umma (People’s) Party, was launched, galvanising working class and peasant youth across racial groupings into action.

The Zanzibar Revolution took place in 1964 – an uprising led by a number of political forces which the Umma Party was able to partially transform into a socialist revolution.

For the U.S., Zanzibar was now the ‘Cuba of Africa’ from which communism would spread across the continent, and there followed a period of intense CIA activity.

Only four months after the Revolution, the U.S. succeeded in engineering a union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar (to form Tanzania) which effectively crushed the progressive potential of the revolution and `neutralised’ Zanzibar.

Between 1964 and 1972, Babu headed various ministries in the Tanzanian government, in particular the Ministry of Planning. This was the phase in which he negotiated the construction of the historic Tanzania/Zambia Railways (TAZARA) by China.

He also played an active role in the international arena in this period when the Cold War was at its height, making links with Che Guevara, Castro and others. Visiting New York as leader of the Tanzanian delegation to the U.N. he spoke at a historic mass rally with Malcolm X in Harlem.

The relationship with Malcolm X deepened and Babu was one of the key influences who led Malcolm to an anti-imperialist world view.

However throughout this period there were sharp contradictions between President Nyerere’s policies of so-called ‘African Socialism’ which focused on ‘welfarism’ neglecting the crucial task of restructuring the colonial economy, and Babu’s scientific socialism to which the development of the productive forces was central.

In 1972, Babu along with other comrades from the Umma Party was arrested on false charges of murdering President Karume of Zanzibar. Though never convicted, Babu remained in prison in Tanzania until 1978, when he was released under international pressure.

During his time in prison, Babu wrote his classic book ‘African Socialism or Socialist Africa?’ outlining a comprehensive strategy for Africa’s economic and political development.

After his release Babu lived first in America for four years and then in London. Taking up teaching posts in a series of Universities, he became highly respected as a scholar and commentator. His enthusiasm, warmth, openness and clarity made him an immensely popular teacher.

Living in London Babu became a friend and source of strength to struggling peoples all over the world. Among the many visits which he made in this context was one to IPKF-occupied Jaffna in Sri Lanka in 1989, to commemorate the Tamil human rights activist and feminist Rajani Thiranagama, murdered by the LTTE.

But most importantly perhaps, Babu continued to play a unique role in African politics. In the face of the intensifying economic stranglehold and ideological hegemony of Western agencies, he spoke and wrote of the need for a second liberation of Africa.

In much of his work, economic nationalism was a central theme. He believed passionately that only by channeling the people’s energies into developing the productive forces could the vicious circle of poverty, aid and dependency be broken.

He was always searching for sparks of hope and ready to fan them, and became a close adviser and mentor to a whole range of progressive movements – such as those in Eritrea, Uganda and Ethiopia – challenging neo-colonial military regimes and IMF/World Bank dominance.

He was also instrumental in the resurgence of Pan Africanism with a relevance to contemporary conditions.

This led to the establishment of a Pan African Movement which held the historic 7th Pan African Congress in Kampala, Uganda in April 1994, under the slogans ‘Resist Recolonisation!’ and ‘Don’t Agonise, Organise!’

In 1995 when Tanzania held its first multi-party elections, the main opposition party in mainland Tanzania, the NCCR-Mageuzi, with a strong base among urban working class youth and sections of the peasantry, asked Babu to stand as Vice-Presidential candidate.

Babu identified the party as having the potential to challenge the hegemony of the corrupt ruling CCM which had essentially become the party of neo-colonialism and reduced Tanzania to the second poorest country in the world.

The NCCR had a mass popular base and Babu saw its policies as ‘progressive and democratic, with an economic programme which, with some modification, could lead the way out of the blind alley into which the CCM has lead the country’.

He returned to Tanzania in August 1995 to a massive and ecstatic welcome from the people. However he was eventually prevented from standing by the legal manipulations of the ruling party.

As always putting political commitment before personal ego, Babu remained in the country tirelessly campaigning for the party.

When the NCCR lost after massive rigging by the ruling party, Babu wrote two seminal pamphlets (‘Tanzania’s first multi-party elections’ and ‘Wanted: a Third Force in Zanzibar’) analysing the situation and suggesting a way forward.

As an Eritrean liberation fighter put it, Babu had ‘the courage to say what he thought, the foresight to be optimistic about Africa’s potential and the integrity to live in accordance with the dictates of his conscience when doing all this was neither fashionable nor expedient’.

Throughout his political life Babu remained a communist, for whom Marxism was not only an ideology but a method of analysis.

It was this dialectical approach which enabled him to identify without dogma or sectarianism the forces of progress and change within any situation, while at the same time never losing his commitment to the socialist future of Africa and of the world.

Source: zanzinet.net retrieved on 18th October, 2008

Babu, a committed Zanzibari communist? « Zanzibar Daima

UJUMBE:


Kwangu mimi Muungano ni dhahabu, mbali na umzigo wake kiuchumi kwetu Bara, hivyo niambie tukaiboreshe kwenye mjadala wa wazi wa wananchi kuunda katiba bila udalali na mpaka hapo tutaelewana.

Lakini kuniambia nivunje tu Muungano huu adimu eti kwa sababu kwenye fikra ya mtu fulani wazo lilitokana na CIA wala sitokusikiliza. Kitu kizuri kwenye mwanga hata ukiwa nayo gizani bado ni kizuri tu.

Kwa kumalizia, nasema huenda Muungano ulikua MZURI huko miaka ya nyuma lakini katika huu ulimwengu wa sasa wa utandawazi kute duniani, dhana ya Muungano ni NJEMA SAAAAAAAAAAAAAAANA TENA SANA!! Chamsingi tukaliboreshi sisi wananchi na wala tusiwaachie viongozi hiyo kazi.​
I never trusted you, and I will never.
There is hidden agenda, acha kuzuga watu. huo muungano ufe hata sasa hivi nitafurahi sana.
hivi kwa ninitusipige kura ikipatika two third huko bara na kule visiwani ndo tuanze hata kuujadili huu muungano uwe na muundo gani? Tuache unafiki. Period.
 
Barua hii inaonyesha ni kiasi gani Wa-Zbr walivyouchoka huu Muungano! Hata sisi Wa-Tanganyika kwakweli tulio wengi hatutaki kuusikia tena! ni hao viongozi wetu ndio wanaung'ang'ania kwa maslahi ya nani....God knows!!! Muungano uvunjwe kila upande ubaki na amani yake!
 
mungano ni muhimu sana kama watanzania ambao ni wazanzibari na watanganyika wataridhia na lazima kuwepo na utambuzi wa serikali mbili zilizo hai
 
HUU NI WAKATI MUAFAKA WA KUFUNJA MUUNGANO,WAZANZIBARI HAWAUTAKI,WATANGANYIKA HAWAUTAKI,VIONGOZI WA ZANZIBARI HAWAUTAKI,VIONGOZI WA TANGANYIKA WANAUTAKA

KUNA SHIDA HAPA

natamani muungano uvunjike kesho
 
Kwa nini lakini? Nchi itangaze kila mtu aahamie upande autakao then tuuvunje. Hawa wazenji vipi? wote walioko udom , udsm, na vyuo vyoote warudi kwao kisha waje hapa walipe kama foreigners. Msituchose aghhhhhhh
 
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