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Uganda: We'll join Sudan war in support of Juba

Discussion in 'International Forum' started by EMT, Apr 21, 2012.

  1. EMT

    EMT JF-Expert Member

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    The Chief of Defence Forces, General, Aronda Nyakairima, has said Uganda will be forced to intervene if the fighting between South Sudan and Sudan escalates into a full-scale war. General Aronda said the UPDF also has intelligence information that Khartoum was “again making contacts” with the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels, whom he said have moved towards Bahr-el- Gazel.

    “We will not sit by and do nothing. We will be involved having suffered a proxy war by Khartoum. Our people in northern Uganda suffered and intelligence information also indicates that the LRA, who have an estimated 200 guns, are again in contact with Khartoum,” he said.

    Gen. Aronda was on Wednesday night presenting a paper on the role of African militaries in promoting peace and security in East Africa and the Horn of Africa to a meeting of military generals and other security experts from Kenya, Uganda and Ethiopia in Kampala.

    His comments appeared to confirm previously unverified reports that the militaries of some Great Lakes region countries have been mobilised in preparation for what could turn out to be Africa’s next war, this time pitting parts of Black Africa against a Khartoum-led Arab coalition.

    There are security reports saying the LRA, who were previously hiding in the forests of Obo, Central African Republic, have moved to Northern CAR near the Sudan border, sparking fears that the Ugandan rebels could be about to be re-injected into a conflict which for decades had Uganda and the Islamic regime locked in mortal proxy combat.Gen. Aronda told his colleagues from Kenya and Ethiopia to come up with a position on the fighting which has broken out between the two countries.

    The Citizen
     
  2. Ndahani

    Ndahani JF-Expert Member

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    Kazi kweli kweli. Hakuna siku inapita bila consirancy theories...Uganda tena ndani ya JUba...hapo acha Kenya. Mhhh!
     
  3. EMT

    EMT JF-Expert Member

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    Halafu sie tunaingizwa kiaina
     
  4. Ndahani

    Ndahani JF-Expert Member

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    Tukiingia vitani leo tutafilisika mpaka tuchanganyikiwe. Nchi imekuwa na wapiga mpaka inatia kinyaa. Hakuna kitu kitaenda bila mtu kijihakikishia 100%. Tunashangaza sana siku hizi.
     
  5. Paul Kijoka

    Paul Kijoka JF-Expert Member

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    UG will be in which side of the coin, south or northern Sudan?
     
  6. Paul Kijoka

    Paul Kijoka JF-Expert Member

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    ok, Juba! Then the position of EAC?
     
  7. Ngongo

    Ngongo JF-Expert Member

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    Mkuu PK,

    Hii kitu Sitta alikata kusign kule Kigali.


     
  8. Red Giant

    Red Giant JF-Expert Member

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    ndio maana wananunua mandege? mi naona hapa westerners wako behind hii kitu wanataka kutrigger something, wao si ndio wameifufua war against kony.
     
  9. M

    MkamaP JF-Expert Member

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    Hii kitu walikuwa wamesha plan kuitumia kufanikisha mambo yao, ndio maana wengine tunasema hii EAC sio bure kuna kitu wametegeshea hapo.

    Tungesaini sahizi tungekuwa tupo somalia na tunaelekea sudan kufanikisha haja ya mabeberu. Haiingii akilini S.Sudani ndo wachokozi wamenda kuvamia harafu muwasaidie eti kwa kisingizio wale ni waraabu. Wala wasudan sio waarabu wenda wanaongea lugha ya kiarabu. Kwani wanigeria ni wa british kwa sababu wanaongea kiingereza?
     
  10. M

    Michael Mwakyusa JF-Expert Member

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    Piga hao waarabu,wanataka mafuta yetu sudan kusini.
     
  11. M

    Michael Mwakyusa JF-Expert Member

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    Kwanza Bashir tunamtaka apelekwe ICC anahatarisha amani Darfur S.kusini na anawabagua african sudanese.
     
  12. Rufiji

    Rufiji JF-Expert Member

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    Tanzania ought to be commended for refusing to sign EAC's defense pact
     
  13. J

    Jasusi JF-Expert Member

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    Hivi South Sudan wana mpango wa kuanzisha air force? Maana naona manyanyaso ya Bashir ni kutumia ndege kuwabomu raia wa kusini.
     
  14. mtu kitu

    mtu kitu JF-Expert Member

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    @ Jasusi
    Zamani ilikuwa maneno hayo lakini huu ugomvi wa juzi wameanza S.Sudan sasa kama sisi tunajigamba kuwa Idi Amin alivamia TZ , ndo tukaingai vitani basi sioni kama Sudan wana makosa ,na hawa S. Sudan wao wenyewe hawafahamiani na wamagharibi teari weshafika ,wanataka mali ....hawana ujanja wa kuruka, tizama Uganda hawawezi kuruka kwani weshaingia mpaka jikoni.ilobaki wawape tu hayo mafuta na tukaribishane kwenye umasikini.(Mwembe hufisadiwa kwa embe zake)

    @ Michael Mwakyusa

    • Hawa ugomvi si wameanza wao au vp ? tujaribu kutizama haki iko wapi ...kama kwenye makubaliano ya kugawana hapo awali walikubali kuwa eneo hili ni la Sudan sasa wasilie na Bashir.walie na hao walowaambia wakubali.
      @ Nganga + MkamaP

      kwa viongozi wetu walivyo ,hili janga ni taabu sana kuliepuka.tizama UG weshawakaribisha waamerika mpaka jikoni, kisingizio Kony. Ghana walipogundua mafuta hawakuta upuuzi huu ,wanasimami wao wenyewe na nchi iko fresh kiasi.(hata kama wanaibiana ni wenyewe kwa wenyewe)

      Kuna nchi hapa E.africa huwaona hawa wazungu ni kama malaika ...masikini E.Africa naona vita kwenye miaka ya 2020 kama tutafika.
     
  15. J

    Jasusi JF-Expert Member

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    Skip to the navigationchannel.links.navigation.skip.label. Skip to the content. Africa Review|Daily Nation|Business Daily|NTV|Daily Monitor|The Citizen|Mwananchi




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    [h=1]Sudan conflict a series of internal divisions complicated by oil riches[/h] [​IMG]Share [​IMG] Bookmark [​IMG]Print [​IMG]Email Rating
    [​IMG] Sudanese celebrate in Khartoum following Juba's announcement of withdrawal of its soldiers from Heglig. Picture: AFP
    By ANDREW M. MWENDA (email the author)

    Posted Saturday, April 21 2012 at 12:32

    Last week, the low intensity conflict between the new state of South Sudan and the Republic of Sudan escalated into a near full-scale war. On Monday April 10, the Sudanese Peoples' Liberation Army (SPLA) took control of the strategic town of Heglig from troops loyal to Khartoum. That same day, Khartoum launched a series of air rides, bombing the towns of Jonglei and Heglig. In the ensuing fight, SPLA shot down two of Khartoum's MIG 29 jets.



    (Read: Khartoum promises to wage war over Heglig)

    On Wednesday April 11, the United Nations Secretary-General, Ban Ki Moon, called the President of South Sudan, Salva Kiir Mayardit, saying "I am ordering you to pull your troops out of Heglig." On Thursday morning, Kiir addressed parliament in Juba where he told a cheering crowd that he had told Mr Ban on the phone, "I am not under your command." The United States ambassador to the United Nations, Susan Rice, called on both parties to cease hostilities. As the week ended, South Sudan was in full military mobilisation.

    The war between North and South Sudan is swiftly becoming a complex international issue; Khartoum accuses the SPLA of launching aggression on its territory and supporting rebels in Blue Nile and South Kordofan; that is why it has retaliated by bombing South Sudan's positions. Technically, Khartoum is right, for the troops fighting it are SPLA soldiers - to be precise, soldiers of the SPLA North, which fought alongside the Southern army between 1983 and 2005. But Juba denies involvement in the war in North Sudan, as the SPLA North soldiers are actually not from South Sudan. It is this part of the jigsaw puzzle that has to be understood if international efforts to end the conflict are to bear fruit.

    Khartoum has a reputation for exclusion, marginalisation and oppression of many communities in its territory. The civil war in Sudan that led to the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005 pitted many of these marginalised communities against Khartoum. Given its oppressive ways, one could even say that most of Sudan has been marginalised by the Khartoum regime. However, the more distinctly marginalised groups included people in the territory currently known as South Sudan, South Kordofan (where most of the intense fighting has been taking place) and eastern Sudan, especially the areas around the Red Sea Mountains. This region is occupied by different communities close to the Ethiopians and Eritreans. In fact, eastern Sudan is the poorest and most marginalised region of the Republic of Sudan. And finally, there is Darfur, the best known conflict in Sudan.

    The territory currently known as the Republic of South Sudan was a separate entity from the rest of modern day Sudan until 1947, when the British colonial government integrated it into Sudan. Although this is the region where the SPLA was born, it was not the only region with grievances against Khartoum. Thus, when SPLA was formed, communities from South Kordofan, Nuba [Southern Kordofan is in the same Nuba mountains] and the Blue Nile region that had grievances against Khartoum joined the SPLA. Even marginalised groups from Darfur who did not form part of the SPLA received inspiration and training from it. Therefore, by the time the CPA was signed in 2005, communities from these regions other than Darfur formed two divisions of the SPLA.

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    These divisions of the SPLA remained inside North Sudan. When Khartoum failed to meet their demands, they launched a war of liberation too. Khartoum has used this to claim that it is under attack from South Sudan and has won sufficient international support with this claim. Secondly, it has also used it as an excuse to attack South Sudan, now an independent state, thereby triggering off an international war.

    Knowledgeable sources say that many of these communities felt betrayed by the SPLA when it signed the CPA, which paved way for the Independence of the South from the rest of Sudan. They had fought alongside the SPLA for more than two decades and felt that the Independence of South Sudan would leave them in a relatively weaker position. However, sources say, the main faction of the SPLA that formed the new South Sudan promised to pressure Khartoum to reach an agreement with its former allies in these marginalised regions. It also promised them support if Khartoum failed to accommodate their concerns. But Khartoum seems to have had little interest in addressing the grievances of these communities. The question is why?

    Contrary to what people think, Khartoum had a strong interest in the secession of South Sudan. This seems contradictory because most states prefer to hold onto territory even at extremely high cost. This is especially so for Khartoum because most of the oil (80 per cent) is in South Sudan; so one would expect it to fight tooth and nail to keep the South. Yet there were many more complex factors that seem to have driven the National Congress Party of Omar Al Bashir, the current President of the Republic of Sudan, to want to shed South Sudan. The reality for him was either to lose power altogether or lose the South.

    However, this interest was not one way. There were people in the SPLA from South Sudan who wanted to leave the union. But the SPLA was never united on this issue and in a series of internal debates, the movement accepted a compromise that created an opportunity for unity and if that did not work, to go for Independence. Therefore, there was a convergence of different but compatible interests between Khartoum and the South Sudan faction of the SPLA/M for separation.

    By the time the CPA was signed, the only marginalised part of the wider Sudan that had developed both the military and political capacity to effectively challenge Khartoum was South Sudan. To put it the other way, the most militarily and politically strong faction of the SPLA/M was the one largely drawn from the South. Khartoum seems to have calculated that if it got rid of South Sudan, it would effectively break the SPLA/M down the middle, separating the strong part from the weaker one.

    In Khartoum's calculus, this would mean that the most effective fighting machine of the SPLA would have little interest in helping the other marginalised regions to fight the NCP regime. The remaining rump of the SPLA/M inside the older Sudan would now be weak and easy to crush. It is this calculation that drove Bashir to sign the CPA, seeing it as an opportunity to rid himself of a major threat, weaken internal resistance and open the way for him to subdue what remained of that resistance.

    Meanwhile, within South Sudan, there were differences too on how to deal with their allies from the other regions of Sudan. Some people in the SPLA/M felt that they should not abandon them. But doing this would undermine progress towards Independence and perhaps drag the war on for many more decades. In fact, sources say, former SPLA leader John Garang wanted to keep a unified Sudan. He only signed the CPA, which recommended Independence for the South, because it had a clause clearly stating that both the North and the South should work for unity.

    Admirers and enemies in the South and North say Garang was ambitious and wanted to be president of a bigger entity than a small "fiefdom" called South Sudan. However, there were other voices led by Kiir, Garang's deputy and current president of South Sudan. These felt that unity was an unrealistic ideal and separation a more realistic objective. The clause that both sides should work for unity and separate if that ideal failed to work was the key compromise between the Garang and the Kiir camps of the SPLA/M that made the CPA possible.

    Although the NCP under Bashir wanted separation, many people in Khartoum did not support this objective. While the regime extremists wanted a forcibly united country, the common people wanted separation to end the war. Thus, many political forces opposed to Bashir saw in Garang a patriot willing to keep the country united. They wanted an inclusive democratic government, which they hoped Garang would provide as he forged alliances with the West and the East. These opposition forces now became internal surrogates of Garang in Khartoum. Thus when he went to the capital to be sworn in as vice president under the CPA in May 2005, Garang was welcomed as a hero by both the "African" and "Arab" elite and rank and file. One million people turned up in Khartoum to give him a heroes' welcome, a factor that was not missed by the Bashir regime and some forces inside the SPLA/M who preferred secession.

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  16. J

    Jasusi JF-Expert Member

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    Mtukitu,
    Soma hiyo makala ya The East African niliyobandika utaelewa what is going on behind the scenes.
     
  17. Kibona

    Kibona JF-Expert Member

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    Sikia mtukitu, usikubali kuingizwa ktk kundi la watu waliotekwa nyara na Bashir. Naomba nikuhakikishie kuwa mpaka sasa Bashir ndio tatizo kubwa: Kwanza Bashir na Garang walikubaliana kuwa mpaka wa South na North ni ule uliowekwa mwaka 1956. Lakini palitokea matatizo Bashir akasema kuwa Abyei, Unit na Blue Nile ni maeneo ya kaskazini, Kiir akasema yako kusini lakini baada ya kukuta haeleweki Bashir akaachana na Unit na Blue Nile basi wakakubaliana kuwa Abyei watapiga kura kuamua wawe upande gani. Lakini kabla ya kura ya maoni pakaibuka mvutano yaani Bashir akashikilia kuwa watapiga kura watu wote walio ktk jimbo hilo wawe wahamiaji wa kiarabu au wazawa wa kiafrika, Kiir akasema ni wazawa tu, maoni yakaahirishwa Abyei. Ilikubaliwa kuwa maeneo yanayoleta utata yatashughulikiwa kwa mazungumzo chini ya uangalizi wa jumuiya ya kimataifa.
    Baadaya Sudan kusini kupata uhuru Bashir akawa hataki kutoa ushirikiano ktk swala la kushughulikia mpaka na akakataa kuanzisha mazungumzo na wale watu wa kaskazini waliokuwa SPLA, matokeo yake SPLA North wakaanza kupigana na majeshi ya bashir wakidai maeneo yao ambayo yako Sudan North kama vile Kordofan ya kusini wajitenge na kuungana na Sudan kusini, Bashir alipoona upinzani unaimarika akaamua kuficha aibu kwa kusingizia Sudan kusini inawasaidia lakini bila kutoa ushahidi na akaanza kuipiga mabomu Sudan kusini ktk maeneo ya unit na blue nile. Sudan kusini ikawa inalalamika kuwa Sudan inaishambulia lakini kama kawaida duniani wakaendelea kuongea maneno huku bashir akiendelea kurusha mabomu. Eneo la Heglig ni moja ya maeneo yanayogombaniwa, hadi mwaka 2004 eneo hilo lilikuwa upande wa sudan kusini lakini baada ya mafuta mengi kugundulika huko serikali ya Khartoum ikahamisha utawala wa jimbo hilo kutoka kusini kwenda kaskazini na hivyo kuhamisha mpaka. Hata hivyo Sudan kusini ilikaa kimya baada ya uhuru ikisubiri jumuiya ya kimataifa ichore mpaka halisi kama ulivyokuwa mwaka 1956.
    Baada ya mashambulizi ya bashir kuzidi yakitokea eneo la Heglig ambalo kimsingi linakaliwa kinyume cha sheria na sudan kaskazini. Ili kujilinda ndomaana Kiir akaamua kuvamia kule mabomu yanatokea, sasa jumuiya ya kimataifa inasubiri mambo yaharibike kabisa ndio wanapiga kelele.
    Kwa mantiki hiyo Kiir yuko sahihi na Bashir ameshajikoki hata vita vikitokea hawezi kushinda maana bwana mdogo south sudan ana kaka zake kama Uganda waliotayari kumpigania.
     
  18. I

    Ichimuisebu Member

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    Jiuazulu Bashir
     
  19. M

    MkamaP JF-Expert Member

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    soma hii habari kwenye link hii, harafu angalia ramani kwa chini yake
    BBC News - South Sudan's oil facility 'bombed by Sudan'
     
  20. c

    chilubi JF-Expert Member

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    Can you define who is an african?
     
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