Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

[Mohamed Said]

Jamani mnakasha kitu kizuri.
Leo Moddy kaamka kwa namna tofauti kabisa.
Kwanza amekubali kuwa Nyerere alijulikana TAA hata kabla ya kuonana na Abdul.
Sasa anakubali kuwa Abdul ni Mzalendo. Yaani kamweka Abdul katika nafasi yake halisi na si ile ya kumsingizia.

Thank you Mo. This is a big milestone.

Nguruvi,
Take me seriously m not bluffing.

I want you to teach me semantics.
Wewe bingwa.

 

[Alwaz]

Keki ya taifa ni Richmond, Radar, Meremeta na dola laki moja na nusu ikwa siku bila malipo za Dowans.
Keki ya taifa ipo Dodoma pale mtu anapolipwa kwa kukaa kwenye kiti achilia mbali mshahara.
Keki ya taifa ni pesa za halamshauri zinazojenga vyumba viwili vya madarasa kwa thamani ya shule kumi.

Hiyo keki yote inaliwa na wakristo ambao ndio wanaojaza nafasi hizo.
Unakumbuka Seif alivyopigwa chenga asihudhurie kikao fulani kilichojadili mambo ya Zanzibar ambako yeye ni makamu wa raisi?
Unakumbuka mbunge wa Kigoma kusini alivyopigwa na chini kwa kuhoji habari za waislamu bungeni?
Unakumbuka nafasi ya Kitwana Kondo ilivyotolewa kwa mkristo baada ya yeye kuhoji akili za watoto wa kiislamu na za wakristo?
Unajua kitu gani kitamfanya Lipumba asishike uraisi pengine mpaka uzee wake hata kama ana sifa kuliko vihiyo wakristo wanaogombea nafasi hiyo.?
ZIKO njia nyingi ambazo keki ya taifa inaliwa chini ya mvungu na wakristo pekee.

 

[THE BIG SHOW]

Kwa hiyo tatizo lenu ni kuenziwa kwa wazee wenu? Tukimaliza kuwaenzi wazee wenu matatizo yenu yatakuwa yameisha? Ugomvi wenu na mfumokristo utakuwa umeisha? Mbona hamkusema hivyo mapema?

Sasa Naoana umeelewa kidogo,japo unaendelea kuruka ruka nje ya mantiki kuu...!
Sasa je HUO NI UCHOCHEZI??
kama umeonesha kuanza kuelewa,je kuandikwa kwa historia hiyo ni uchochezi??
hebu mwambie mwalimu wako mwanakiji Moh Said Hatamuweza,na akome kutoa kauli zake za kifedhuri ati ya kwamba Moh Said anaoga na watoto wadogo,sisi tunathamin sana maarifa yake hapa jamvini..
mwambie apandishe suruali yake juu na aje kutuonesha ulipo uchochezi wa Moh..
status ya Moh Said ni kubwa zaid ya yeye anavodhania,,ashukuru nafasi anayoipata kujadiliana hapa jukwaani..

 

[THE BIG SHOW]

The Big Show,
Nani wakumwambia Jonathon Glassman kuandika kitabu?

Yeye ana vitabu na paper kadhaa kuhusu historia ya Afrika.

Glassman kila mwanafunzi wake anaeandika kuhusu Islam
and Politics pale Northwestern University moja ya kitabu
anachompa katika reading list ni kitabu changu.

Mmoja wa wanafunzi hao ni James Brenan ambae sasa
ni bingwa wa historia ya Tangnayika.

Hivi sasa anaandika kitabu cha Oscar Kambona.

Ndugu yetu hajui mengi kuhusu mimi kafunikwa na chuki.

Mimi na Glassman tumekaa ukumbi mmoja na tukamjadili
marehemu Abdulwahid Sykes ndani ya chuo anachosomesha
tena kwa mwaliko wa chuo chake.

Tukisikilizwa.

Mwisho wengi walikubaliana na mimi kuwa Abdu Sykes alikuwa
mzalendo ambae hakustahili kusahauliwa.

Wao wanaleta istizai..
Wewe unatoa ilm,hamuwez kuwa darja moja,ukumbi huu ni wako wewe,na wenyewe wanakiri hilo hadi mioyoni mwao..

 

[Ritz]

Leo kwa mara ya mwanzo nacheka kikwetu kwi...kwi...kwiiiii...
Sasa mbona Nyerere alijifanya mzalendo zaidi kuliko Abdul Sykes!
Mfumokristo unawafanya wakristo ni wazalendo zaidi kuliko waislamu!

Ami,

Wakati mwingine nikimsoma ndugu yangu Nguruvi3, fikra zake kuhusu Waislam bahati mbaya kwake hakuna dhulma yeyote ambao wameishafanyiwa Waislam wala hakuna jema lolote walilofanya Wazee wetu ambao yeye anawaita Mwanameka.

Dhulma kwake wanafanyiwa Chadema tu pamoja na Maaskofu.

Anakuambia tusiangalie wizara za serikali wala mashirika ya umma wakati hapo hapo yeye mwenyewe kila kukicha kwenye duru za siasa analalamikia wizara na mashirika ya umma yanavyofanya ufisadi mkubwa kutusababishia umasikini ukiangalia wizara hizo na taasisi karibia zote zinaongozwa na Wakirsto kama watendaji wakuu.

Malalamiko yote haya ya Waislam kwa ndugu yetu ni uongo mtupu hakuna hata moja la ukweli. Ikitoea dhulma ya Waislam yeye anakuambia anatizama matatizo ya shule za Kilwa na Lindi.

Tatizo la ndugu yetu sisi hatupingani na fikra zake dhidi ya Uislam lakini yeye hataki sisi tueleze ya kwetu kwa serikali amegeuka kuwa msemaji wa serikali.

 

[Ritz]

Nguruvi3,

Sifahamu chochote kuhusu ugomvi mkubwa kati ya Muslim Agency na Islamic bank itakuwa vizuri kama utatupa darsa.

 

[Alwaz]

Kwahiyo tatizo lenu ni kuenziwa kwa wazee wenu? Tukimaliza kuwaenzi wazee wenumatatizo yenu yatakuwa yameisha? Ugomvi wenu na mfumokristo utakuwa umeisha?Mbona hamkusema hivyo mapema?

Sasa Naoana umeelewa kidogo,japo unaendelea kuruka ruka nje ya mantiki kuu...!
Sasa je HUO NI UCHOCHEZI??
kama umeonesha kuanza kuelewa,je kuandikwa kwa historia hiyo ni uchochezi??
hebu mwambie mwalimu wako mwanakiji Moh Said Hatamuweza,na akome kutoa kauli zake za kifedhuri ati ya kwamba Moh Said anaoga na watoto wadogo,sisi tunathamin sana maarifa yake hapa jamvini..
mwambie apandishe suruali yake juu na aje kutuonesha ulipo uchochezi wa Moh..
status ya Moh Said ni kubwa zaid ya yeye anavodhania,,ashukuru nafasi anayoipata kujadiliana hapa jukwaani..

Kweli sasaameanza kuelewa kwamba hapa uchochezi haupo kama alivyoelewa kuhusu WALIOFANYA BIASHARA YA UTUMWA
kama ambavyo alimuelewa Kadogoo kuhusu kukiri kinamna kwa Nyerere kukiri kuwa na akaunti yake Uswisi.​

Wazee wetu wakienziwe sasa maana yake Mohammed Said aliyefichua historia zao hakufanya uchochezi wowote.Na mahakama ya kadhi na OIC zikija na kuacha kuwekwa ndani kwa kuangalia na kusikiliza kanda za Mazinge basi itakuwa ni hatua muhimu ya kumaliza ugomvi wetu na mfumo kristo.

 

[Jasusi]

Kweli sasaameanza kuelewa kwamba hapa uchochezi haupo kama alivyoelewa kuhusu WALIOFANYA BIASHARA YA UTUMWA
kama ambavyo alimuelewa Kadogoo kuhusu kukiri kinamna kwa Nyerere kukiri kuwa na akaunti yake Uswisi.​

Wazee wetu wakienziwe sasa maana yake Mohammed Said aliyefichua historia zao hakufanya uchochezi wowote.Na mahakama ya kadhi na OIC zikija na kuacha kuwekwa ndani kwa kuangalia na kusikiliza kanda za Mazinge basi itakuwa ni hatua muhimu ya kumaliza ugomvi wetu na mfumo kristo.

Nyerere hajawahi kukiri kinamna kuwa na account Uswiss. Usichanganye mambo wewe.

 

[Rapherl]

Rapheri,
Hakika umeandika kwa hamaki na ukiandika kwa hamaki unapoteza mengi.

Nimeweka hapa katika siasa za wafanyakazi mambo yaliyojitokeza katika mgomo wa
makuli wa bandari ya Dar es Salaam 1947 na 1948.

Nimeeleza jinsi Abdu Sykes alivyoshiriki kama katibu wa Dockworkers Union na yote
yaliyotokea hadi kufika mapambano na mabomu kupigwa 1950 na chama cha makuli
kupigwa marufuku nana serikali ya kikoloni na baadhi ya makuli kufungwa.

Hii nililieta jamvini kwa makusudi maalum ili umuone Abdu anaingia katika
uongozi wa TAA 1950 kama katibu akiwa na turufu gani mkononi.

Ikiwa utakumbuka utafahamu kuwa uongozi wa wazee ulipinduliwa kwa juhudi za Hamza
Mwapachu, Abdu Sykes na Schneider Abdilllah Plantan na Abdu pamoja na Dk. Kyaruzi
wakachukua uongozi wa TAA Dk. Kyaruzi akiwa rais.

Uongozi huu ndiyo ulioandika ile memorandum ya Constitutional Development Committee
chini ya TAA Political Subcommittee waraka ambao uliwasilishwa kwa Gavana Edward
Francis Twining na huu waraka ukajadiliwa kwenye mkutano wa kuasisi TANU 1954 na ndiyo
uliotengeneza hotuba ya Nyerere aliyosoma UNO February 1955.

Hii kwa mukhtahsari ndiyo historia ya hotuba hiyo ya Nyerere ambayo aliisoma UNO 1955
lakini inaelekea wenzangu kuna kitu kinakuchomeni nyoyo zenu.

Hampendi historia iwe hivyo mnataka ibadilike iwe nyingine kabisa.
Si kitu.

Waliotangulia wao walifanya ujanja mmoja.

Historia ya hotuba hii hawakuigusa kabisa kwa hiyo watu walikuwa hawajui chanzo chake.
Kiasi ilisaidia maana hapakuwa na mabishano.

Sasa turudi nyuma kidogo.

Hata ilipofika 1953 katika ule uchaguzi wa 17 April kati ya Nyerere na Abdu Sykes ''track record''
ya Abdu katika TAA na katika siasa za Dar es Salaam ilikuwa ikifahamika na wengi.

Hakuna mtu aliyekuwa anamjua Nyerere ukiwatoa labda hao wenzake wa Makerere.

Kwa hakika Nyerere hakuwa na historia yoyote kuwa aliwahi kuwatia misukosuko wakoloni.
Hii ndiyo sababu katika uchaguzi ule Nyerere alishinda kwa kura chache.

Hili nalo linawachoma baadhi ya ndugu zangu.
Historia hii hawaipendi wangetaka iwe vinginevyo.

Waliotutangulia katika kuandika historia walikuwa watu ''makini.''
Uchaguzi huu haukutajwa kabisa wala jina la Abdu halikupewa uzito wowote.

Waandishi wale walikuwa wanasema Nyerere kachukua uongozi wa TAA 1953 hawataji
kauchukua kutoka mikononi kwa nani.

Mimi ndiye niliyekuja kuweka mambo sawa kwa kumrejesha Abdu Sykes katika historia
ya TANU.

Ndiyo maana unaona kadi ya TANU namba 1 Julius Nyerere, No. 2 Ally Sykes na No. 3
Abdu Sykes.

Idd Faiz aliyeratibu na kukusanya fedha za safari ya Nyerere UNO kadi yake No. 25.

Hii haikuja hivi hivi tu.
Haya hayakuja bure.

Yote hayo yana historia yake.

Rapheri,
Umeleta suala la dhulma alofanya Kleist Sykes kwa nyumba ya African Association.
Mimi ningependa kujua nini khasa alifanya.

Mimi nitatosheka na maelezo wala usitafute ushahidi kwani mie si mtu wa ubishi kauli
yako itanitosha.

Mengine nimeyaacha maana naona si muhimu sana kwangu kuyasemea.

Mzee Mohamed,

Mimi wala sina tatizo na Abdu Sykes na harakati zake katika viunga vya Kariakoo na Dar he played his part

Unaongelea umaarufu wa Abdu dhidi ya Mwalimu katika uchaguzi,hawa watu aliosoma nao Makerere walikuwa wanafanya siasa katika mkoa gani?na pia tunajua Mwl alishakuwa Katibu huko Tabora sasa inawezekana vipi Katibu akashindwa kufahamika,na inawezekanaje mtu asiye maarufu aje awanie uongozi TAA huku akiwa hafaamiki na kushinda uchaguzi?
Hata kama alishinda kwa kura chache bado ni ushindi
Unasema waandishi walisahau kumuandika katika kumbukumbu za ule uchaguzi?!well..!!Tatizo lako unataka kila palipo jina Nyerere basi lazima Abdu awepo kama wewe umemkumbuka pia hakuna shida ndo uandishi huo atakuja mwingi ataongezea ambavyo wewe hukuviandika

Suala la Hotuba hilo tulishakubaliana kwamba Mwl hakuandikiwa ila inawezekana alitumia hiyo memorandum kama rejea katika kuandaa hotuba "yake" huko UN

Umekazania fedha alizokusanya Idd Faiz wakati huo huo hutaki kuona mchango wa Maryknoll sijui hapa unania gani?

Suala la Nyumba ya AA Mkuu Mag3 ameshalisema sana siwezi kulirudia

 

[Rapherl]

Wanajamvi: Hapa kuna Tathmini ya kitabu cha Mzee Mohammed Said, sijahangaika kuweka link kwa vile ku-access hiyo article yabidi uanachama katika maktaba na majarida husika. Italics za ndani ya review ni zangu. Kwa waliokwishaisoma popote itakuwa marudio.

BOOK REVIEWS:

MUSLIM NATIONALISTS IN TANGANYIKA: The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924-1968): The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle against British Colonialism in Tanganyika. By MOHAMEDSA ID. London: Minerva Press, 1998. Pp. 358. ? 1.99, paperback (ISBN 0-754IO- 223-8). KEY WORDS: Tanzania, colonialism, nationalism, Islam.

REVIEWER: JONATHON GLASSMAN (Northwestern University): SOURCE: The Journal of African History, Vol. 42, No. 1 (2001), pp. 164-166

In recent years historians of nationalism, like historians of science, have been turning to the stories of the losers. In studies of South Asia as well as Africa, authors such as Allman, Geiger and Mbembe have sought to escape the triumphalist trap of assuming that nationalist politics were shaped solely by the men who eventually took power.

A focus on historical dead-ends can illuminate the contingencies that shaped nationalism, and can also help explain many post-colonial political conflicts. Mohamed Said's book is one such study. Its title is misleading: relatively little is about Abdulwahid Sykes, a member of a prominent Dar es Salaam family, and the book fails to substantiate Said's claim that his hero 'founded a political party [TANU] and made a President [Julius Nyerere]'.[/I] Yet the title points to the author's general approach. Using a collection of documents preserved by the Sykes family, as well as the memories of informants drawn from the author's extensive network of personal contacts, Said tells the story of Tanganyika nationalism from the Sykes family's point of view. In doing so, he creates a valuable resource for the study of colonial Dar es Salaam (a place that has received surprisingly little scholarly attention), and makes a strong case that the prevailing literature on Tanganyika nationalism, much of which is centred on the figure of Nyerere, has underestimated the contribution of Muslim townsmen and needs to be reassessed. Private sources such as Said's are often available only to interested parties rather than disinterested professional historians.

To his credit, Said opens with a forthright statement of his connection to the Sykes family (this statement itself tells the reader much about the ties of neighbourhood that sustained nationalist politics in Dar es Salaam), and he makes his polemical agenda clear throughout.

Briefly, his argument is as follows. TANU was created by Muslim townsmen, led by the Sykes brothers, who envisioned the party in 1945 while serving in the Burma Infantry. The Sykeses recruited Nyerere late in the game and made him president of the new organization in a self-sacrificing ploy to encourage Christians to join the nationalist cause. The latter were essential to success because, having been favoured by the colonial regime, they dominated the ranks of the educated elite. But the Christians were unreliable nationalists because of their indoctrination by 'the Church' (Said often assumes that all Christians were Catholic), portrayed here as a highly effective tool of colonialism. After uhuru, TANU's new Christian leaders reneged on promises they had made to keep religion and politics separate, and together with the Church plotted to rid TANU of Islamic influence. By 1970, this conspiracy was complete: TANU had been effectively wrested from the hands of the people who had created it, and had become a tool of Christian power.

Needless to add, Said is a tendentious writer. Yet remarkably little of his argument is directly contradicted by standard accounts, and, although it is impossible to evaluate his sources (footnotes are few and not always useful), he presents some fascinating new material. He is most persuasive in the two-thirds of the book that discuss the period before independence. Said surely has a point when he chastises historians for having failed to note the Islamic factor in the nationalist politics of Dar and other towns. Also valuable is his focus on Muslim-Christian tensions within TANU and its predecessor, the Tanganyika African Association (TAA): indeed, such tension was noted by observers at the time but has since failed to capture the attention of historians who perhaps have been too accepting of official myths of nationalist unity. Yet these strengths are often vitiated by the book's combative tone.

Two over argued themes, in particular, come in conflict. On the one hand, Said wishes to convince his readers that the Sykes circle created the nationalist movement virtually single-handedly and, in its early phases, totally dominated it. In this regard, he presents Nyerere in the early 1950os as an utter neophyte, a cipher who was shrewdly manipulated by Sykes and his allies. (This depiction of Nyerere as 'a complete stranger' to nationalist politics is partly a function of Said's Dar-centred perspective.) On the other hand, he perceives the history of Tanganyika nationalism as a grand struggle in which the Muslim townsmen who created the movement fought each step of the way against the wiles of their Christian enemies. These opposing themes catch Said in some absurd contradictions, such as in his narrative of the 1953 contest in which Nyerere assumed leadership of the TAA, immediately before it was transformed into TANU. That narrative portrays Nyerere simultaneously both as Sykes's tool and as his arch nemesis.

But the most troubling aspect of Said's tendentiousness consists of his portrayal of a Manichean conflict between Muslims, depicted as uniformly dedicated nationalists since the days of Maji Maji, and Christians, depicted as unsteady collaborators. That such images are often contradicted by his own rich data is all the more cause for disappointment.

Said is at his most contentious in the book's closing section, entitled 'Conspiracy against Islam'. It would be difficult to refute the core of his indictment there: TANU's misguided efforts in the late I960s to quash autonomous Islamic institutions. (This sordid tale has been told with more convincing detail, albeit on a strictly local level, by Abdin Chande.) Yet in his determination to reveal TANU's plots to impose 'Christian hegemony', Said ignores the fact that these efforts were part of a broader move to control all institutions of civil society. Still, as a statement of perceptions that are widely shared by Tanzanian Muslims, perceptions grounded in two generations of historical memory, this discussion, and Said's entire argument, should not be ignored by anyone who cares about Tanzania's future.

NAWAKILISHA

Well mkuu Wickama,
Tumeona Review hii ya kwanza ya Glassman tumeona na yeye maoni yake mwenye macho na aone sasa huyu ndo Mzee Mohamed alikuwa anatamba hapa amefanya Review ya kitabu chake ila hakuthubuti kuileta hapa tumejua sasa ni kwanini

Bado kuna yule mwingine na pia zile series za kwenye lile Jarida tunaomba mwenye access nazo atuwekee humu

Tunasoma na kujifunza hapa

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mzee Mohamed,

Mimi wala sina tatizo na Abdu Sykes na harakati zake katika viunga vya Kariakoo na Dar he played his part

Unaongelea umaarufu wa Abdu dhidi ya Mwalimu katika uchaguzi,hawa watu aliosoma nao Makerere walikuwa wanafanya siasa katika mkoa gani?na pia tunajua Mwl alishakuwa Katibu huko Tabora sasa inawezekana vipi Katibu akashindwa kufahamika,na inawezekanaje mtu asiye maarufu aje awanie uongozi TAA huku akiwa hafaamiki na kushinda uchaguzi?
Hata kama alishinda kwa kura chache bado ni ushindi
Unasema waandishi walisahau kumuandika katika kumbukumbu za ule uchaguzi?!well..!!Tatizo lako unataka kila palipo jina Nyerere basi lazima Abdu awepo kama wewe umemkumbuka pia hakuna shida ndo uandishi huo atakuja mwingi ataongezea ambavyo wewe hukuviandika

Suala la Hotuba hilo tulishakubaliana kwamba Mwl hakuandikiwa ila inawezekana alitumia hiyo memorandum kama rejea katika kuandaa hotuba "yake" huko UN

Umekazania fedha alizokusanya Idd Faiz wakati huo huo hutaki kuona mchango wa Maryknoll sijui hapa unania gani?

Suala la Nyumba ya AA Mkuu Mag3 ameshalisema sana siwezi kulirudia

Rapheri,
Maryknoll walichangia safari ya UNO ya mwaka 1956.

Ile ya kwanza 1955 ni kama nilivyoeleza katika kitabu
changu.

Hilo la Kleist kudhulumu nyumba ya AA ningeomba
mueleze alifanya kitu gani khasa.

Nakuuliza hivi kwa kuwa katika historia ya AA ni mara
moja tu ndiyo waligombana na ni mwaka 1933 Kleist
alipozozana na Erika Fiah Kleist akajiuzulu uongozi na
chanzo ilikuwa vijembe vya Fiah dhidi ya Wazulu katika
tahariri za gazeti lake.

Mgogoro mwingine ni ule wa 1950 uliomtoa madarakani
Mwalimu Thomas Plantan na Clement Mtamila.

Migogoro hii yote imo katika kumbukumbu.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Well mkuu Wickama,
Tumeona Review hii ya kwanza ya Glassman tumeona na yeye maoni yake mwenye macho na aone sasa huyu ndo Mzee Mohamed alikuwa anatamba hapa amefanya Review ya kitabu chake ila hakuthubuti kuileta hapa tumejua sasa ni kwanini

Bado kuna yule mwingine na pia zile series za kwenye lile Jarida tunaomba mwenye access nazo atuwekee humu

Tunasoma na kujifunza hapa

Rapheri,
Inaelekea si mzoefu wa haya mambo.

Mimi siwezi kukupa wewe maneno ya msomi mwenzangu
kuithibitisha kazi yangu.

Ninachoweza kufanya ni kukupa wewe rejea ukasome.
Hicho ndicho nilichofanya.

Glassman kama kadhihirisha kitu ni kunisadikisha katika
duru ndani ya AAA Journal.

Ingekuwa mie natafuta hayo ya kusifiwa ningekuwekeeni
hapa barua alonandikia Prof. Ali Mazrui kuhusu kitabu changu
na maneno alonambia nilipokutananae Kampala katika mkutano
mwaka 2003.

Taratibu tutasomeshana.

 

[Jasusi]

Rapheri,
Inaelekea si mzoefu wa haya mambo.

Mimi siwezi kukupa wewe maneno ya msomi mwenzangu
kuithibitisha kazi yangu.

Ninachoweza kufanya ni kukupa wewe rejea ukasome.
Hicho ndicho nilichofanya.

Glassman kama kadhihirisha kitu ni kunisadikisha katika
duru ndani ya AAA Journal.

Ingekuwa mie natafuta hayo ya kusifiwa ningekuwekeeni
hapa barua alonandikia Prof. Ali Mazrui kuhusu kitabu changu
na maneno alonambia nilipokutananae Kampala katika mkutano
mwaka 2003.

Taratibu tutasomeshana.

Mohamed,
Tuwekee hiyo barua ya Mazrui. Usibanie yakhe!

 

[Alwaz]

Nyerere hajawahi kukiri kinamna kuwa na account Uswiss. Usichanganye mambo wewe.

Alikiri kinamna kwa sababu baada ya kushutumiwa hivyo na Kambona alipohutubia Jangwani hakuweza kukanusha.
Wewe umeamua kunijibu mimi hivyo hapa.Mbona ULISHINDWA KUMJIBU KADOGOO

 

[Wimana]

Wanajamvi: Hapa kuna Tathmini ya kitabu cha Mzee Mohammed Said, sijahangaika kuweka link kwa vile ku-access hiyo article yabidi uanachama katika maktaba na majarida husika. Italics za ndani ya review ni zangu. Kwa waliokwishaisoma popote itakuwa marudio.

BOOK REVIEWS:

MUSLIM NATIONALISTS IN TANGANYIKA: The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924-1968): The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle against British Colonialism in Tanganyika. By MOHAMEDSA ID. London: Minerva Press, 1998. Pp. 358. ? 1.99, paperback (ISBN 0-754IO- 223-8). KEY WORDS: Tanzania, colonialism, nationalism, Islam.

REVIEWER: JONATHON GLASSMAN (Northwestern University): SOURCE: The Journal of African History, Vol. 42, No. 1 (2001), pp. 164-166

In recent years historians of nationalism, like historians of science, have been turning to the stories of the losers. In studies of South Asia as well as Africa, authors such as Allman, Geiger and Mbembe have sought to escape the triumphalist trap of assuming that nationalist politics were shaped solely by the men who eventually took power.

A focus on historical dead-ends can illuminate the contingencies that shaped nationalism, and can also help explain many post-colonial political conflicts. Mohamed Said's book is one such study. Its title is misleading: relatively little is about Abdulwahid Sykes, a member of a prominent Dar es Salaam family, and the book fails to substantiate Said's claim that his hero 'founded a political party [TANU] and made a President [Julius Nyerere]'.[/I] Yet the title points to the author's general approach. Using a collection of documents preserved by the Sykes family, as well as the memories of informants drawn from the author's extensive network of personal contacts, Said tells the story of Tanganyika nationalism from the Sykes family's point of view. In doing so, he creates a valuable resource for the study of colonial Dar es Salaam (a place that has received surprisingly little scholarly attention), and makes a strong case that the prevailing literature on Tanganyika nationalism, much of which is centred on the figure of Nyerere, has underestimated the contribution of Muslim townsmen and needs to be reassessed. Private sources such as Said's are often available only to interested parties rather than disinterested professional historians.

To his credit, Said opens with a forthright statement of his connection to the Sykes family (this statement itself tells the reader much about the ties of neighbourhood that sustained nationalist politics in Dar es Salaam), and he makes his polemical agenda clear throughout.

Briefly, his argument is as follows. TANU was created by Muslim townsmen, led by the Sykes brothers, who envisioned the party in 1945 while serving in the Burma Infantry. The Sykeses recruited Nyerere late in the game and made him president of the new organization in a self-sacrificing ploy to encourage Christians to join the nationalist cause. The latter were essential to success because, having been favoured by the colonial regime, they dominated the ranks of the educated elite. But the Christians were unreliable nationalists because of their indoctrination by 'the Church' (Said often assumes that all Christians were Catholic), portrayed here as a highly effective tool of colonialism. After uhuru, TANU's new Christian leaders reneged on promises they had made to keep religion and politics separate, and together with the Church plotted to rid TANU of Islamic influence. By 1970, this conspiracy was complete: TANU had been effectively wrested from the hands of the people who had created it, and had become a tool of Christian power.

Needless to add, Said is a tendentious writer. Yet remarkably little of his argument is directly contradicted by standard accounts, and, although it is impossible to evaluate his sources (footnotes are few and not always useful), he presents some fascinating new material. He is most persuasive in the two-thirds of the book that discuss the period before independence. Said surely has a point when he chastises historians for having failed to note the Islamic factor in the nationalist politics of Dar and other towns. Also valuable is his focus on Muslim-Christian tensions within TANU and its predecessor, the Tanganyika African Association (TAA): indeed, such tension was noted by observers at the time but has since failed to capture the attention of historians who perhaps have been too accepting of official myths of nationalist unity. Yet these strengths are often vitiated by the book's combative tone.

Two over argued themes, in particular, come in conflict. On the one hand, Said wishes to convince his readers that the Sykes circle created the nationalist movement virtually single-handedly and, in its early phases, totally dominated it. In this regard, he presents Nyerere in the early 1950os as an utter neophyte, a cipher who was shrewdly manipulated by Sykes and his allies. (This depiction of Nyerere as 'a complete stranger' to nationalist politics is partly a function of Said's Dar-centred perspective.) On the other hand, he perceives the history of Tanganyika nationalism as a grand struggle in which the Muslim townsmen who created the movement fought each step of the way against the wiles of their Christian enemies. These opposing themes catch Said in some absurd contradictions, such as in his narrative of the 1953 contest in which Nyerere assumed leadership of the TAA, immediately before it was transformed into TANU. That narrative portrays Nyerere simultaneously both as Sykes's tool and as his arch nemesis.

But the most troubling aspect of Said's tendentiousness consists of his portrayal of a Manichean conflict between Muslims, depicted as uniformly dedicated nationalists since the days of Maji Maji, and Christians, depicted as unsteady collaborators. That such images are often contradicted by his own rich data is all the more cause for disappointment.

Said is at his most contentious in the book's closing section, entitled 'Conspiracy against Islam'. It would be difficult to refute the core of his indictment there: TANU's misguided efforts in the late I960s to quash autonomous Islamic institutions. (This sordid tale has been told with more convincing detail, albeit on a strictly local level, by Abdin Chande.) Yet in his determination to reveal TANU's plots to impose 'Christian hegemony', Said ignores the fact that these efforts were part of a broader move to control all institutions of civil society. Still, as a statement of perceptions that are widely shared by Tanzanian Muslims, perceptions grounded in two generations of historical memory, this discussion, and Said's entire argument, should not be ignored by anyone who cares about Tanzania's future.

NAWAKILISHA

Asante Mkuu, nilikuwa sijaisoma hii.
Mnakasha unaendelea kupanuka.

 

[Wimana]

AMI,


Soma gazeti la Annur uone dhulma dhidi ya Waislamu na Serikali mpaka sasa haina uso wa kukanusha madai haya mazito ya Waislamu! nchi hii sijui inaelekea wapi jamani? ANNUUR 1065

Ami, am sorry to say I rather read Mzee Said publications than trust on Annur.

 

[Son of Alaska]

Mzee Mohamed,

Mimi wala sina tatizo na Abdu Sykes na harakati zake katika viunga vya Kariakoo na Dar he played his part

Unaongelea umaarufu wa Abdu dhidi ya Mwalimu katika uchaguzi,hawa watu aliosoma nao Makerere walikuwa wanafanya siasa katika mkoa gani?na pia tunajua Mwl alishakuwa Katibu huko Tabora sasa inawezekana vipi Katibu akashindwa kufahamika,na inawezekanaje mtu asiye maarufu aje awanie uongozi TAA huku akiwa hafaamiki na kushinda uchaguzi?
Hata kama alishinda kwa kura chache bado ni ushindi
Unasema waandishi walisahau kumuandika katika kumbukumbu za ule uchaguzi?!well..!!Tatizo lako unataka kila palipo jina Nyerere basi lazima Abdu awepo kama wewe umemkumbuka pia hakuna shida ndo uandishi huo atakuja mwingi ataongezea ambavyo wewe hukuviandika

Suala la Hotuba hilo tulishakubaliana kwamba Mwl hakuandikiwa ila inawezekana alitumia hiyo memorandum kama rejea katika kuandaa hotuba "yake" huko UN

Umekazania fedha alizokusanya Idd Faiz wakati huo huo hutaki kuona mchango wa Maryknoll sijui hapa unania gani?

Suala la Nyumba ya AA Mkuu Mag3 ameshalisema sana siwezi kulirudia

iddi faiz and co,waliweza kukusanya only 67% ya nauli ya Nyerere-safari ikawa inaelekea kufa-ilpokuja push kuwa shove guess who came to the rescue-none other then John Rupia aka chip hiyo 33%,Nyerere akaenda UNO

 

[Kadogoo]

Nyerere hajawahi kukiri kinamna kuwa na account Uswiss. Usichanganye mambo wewe.

Baada ya Kambona kumtaja yeye, Amir Jamal, na Kawawa kuwa na account Uswisi ktk mkutano wa hadhara Jangwani Dar mwaka 1992, baadae Nyerere aliombwa kujibu hoja za Kambona, na kukiri hashangai yeye kuwa na account nje kwasababu alipata medali nyingi na zawadi za kila aina ila alishangaa kutajwa kwa Rashidi!

 

[JokaKuu]

Hiyo keki yote inaliwa na wakristo ambao ndio wanaojaza nafasi hizo.
Unakumbuka Seif alivyopigwa chenga asihudhurie kikao fulani kilichojadili mambo ya Zanzibar ambako yeye ni makamu wa raisi?
Unakumbuka mbunge wa Kigoma kusini alivyopigwa na chini kwa kuhoji habari za waislamu bungeni?
Unakumbuka nafasi ya Kitwana Kondo ilivyotolewa kwa mkristo baada ya yeye kuhoji akili za watoto wa kiislamu na za wakristo?
Unajua kitu gani kitamfanya Lipumba asishike uraisi pengine mpaka uzee wake hata kama ana sifa kuliko vihiyo wakristo wanaogombea nafasi hiyo.?
ZIKO njia nyingi ambazo keki ya taifa inaliwa chini ya mvungu na wakristo pekee.

Ami,

..hebu punguza udini ndugu yangu.

..kama unataka usawa mbona unaishia kwenye ajira za serikali tu?

..kwanini huulizi usawa ktk suala zito kama umiliki na ushiriki ktk biashara kubwa hapa Tanzania?

..kwanini sekta ya biashara kubwa kubwa imeshikiliwa na Waasia[wahindi, waarabu] kwa kiwango kikubwa?

..je, kati ya waajiriwa wa serikali, na wafanyabiashara kubwa hapa nchini, ni wapi wana maisha mazuri na wanafaidi keki ya taifa kuliko wenzao??

..kuhusu Maalim Seif na kikao cha masuala ya ZNZ, hivi unataka kusema kwenye serikali ya ZNZ Muislamu ni Maalim Seif peke yake, wengine wote ni Wakristo??

..Kitwana Kondo ninavyokumbuka alishindwa na Frank Magoba. Huyu alisimamishwa na chama cha CUF. Je, unakituhumu chama cha CUF, Maalim Seif akiwa Katibu Mkuu, kushiriki mpango wa kumhujumu Muislamu mwenzake Kitwana Kondo??

..Prof.Lipumba anakosa uraisi kwasababu chama chake hakina nguvu huku Tanganyika, siyo kwasababu ya dini yake.

..Usomi peke yake siyo kigezo cha kupata Uraisi. Prof.Mwandosya ni msomi lakini CCM hawakumpa kura na hakuna anayelia udini.

..wakati mwingine mnatumbukiza udini hata pasipostahili.

cc: THE BIG SHOW, gombesugu, Ritz, Jasusi, Nguruvi3

 

[gombesugu]

Karibu sana Gombesugu...

Inaonekana na wewe unasoma maandishi haya kwa mwanga ule ule - wa dini. Umejaribu kuwa 'balanced' mwanzoni lakini kwa kadiri muda unavyokwenda unajionesha kuwa hujali academic integrity and honesty ya mwandishi. Na badala yake umeingia kumtetea Mohammed Said solely kwa sababu ya Uislamu wake na siyo kwa kazi yake. Hili sina tatizo kwani wakati mwingine damu ni nzito kuliko maji.

Ndugu Gombesugu, hatubishani kuhusu maoni ya mtu; kwani maoni ya mtu ni maoni yake. Tunabishana kuhusu some facts. Inasikitisha kuwa unaamini kazi ya Mohammed Said imefanyiwa "thoroughly researched" na "closely scrutinized". Kama kweli unaamini haya basi na wewe umeingia kwenye mtego ule ule wa kuamini hisia za mtu kuhusu historia kuwa ni facts za historia! Tunabishana na Mohammed SAid kuhusu facts sir, siyo hisia zake kuhusu hizo facts.

1. Mohammed Said anadai kuwa Nyerere aliingia siasa mwaka 1952 na kuwa aliingia siasa na uongozi wa TAA baada ya kuingizwa na Abdulwahid Sykes - hapa hadai maoni anadai facts. Tumeonesha kuwa Nyerere alianza siasa miaka karibu 10 nyuma na wakati anakuja Dar tayari alishapata kuwa kiongozi wa TAA huko Tabora na alishaanzisha chama cha kutetea maslahi ya Watanganyika akiwa Makerere (kabla ya kukutana na Abdulwahid Sykes karibu miaka saba nyuma. Hili ni suala la facts Gombesugu siyo opinion! Mohammed Said was/is factually wrong.

2. Mohammed Said anadai kuwa Philip Marmo alikuwa ni mbunge wa Monduli wakati wa sakata la OIC mwanzoni mwa miaka ya tisini; tumeonesha kuwa Marmo hajawahi kuwa Mbunge wa Monduli; hili siyo suala la maoni Gombesugu ni suala la facts. Mohammed Said was/is factually wrong!

3. Mohammed Said amekuwa akidai kuwa Kanisa halikuhusika katika harakati za Uhuru na kuwa halikutoa mchango wowote kwani Wakristu walikuwa wanafaidika na Ukoloni. Imeoneshwa humu kuwa Wakristu wengi tu walishiriki harakati za Ukoloni na waliupinga sehemu mbalimbali nchini na hata wao pia kutoa misaada kuchangia TANU. HIli siyo suala la maoni ndugu Gombesugu, ni suala la facts; Mohammed Said was/is factually wrong!

4. Mohammed Said amekuwa akidai kwua Nyerere alikuwa na chuki na Waislamu na Uislamu; hadi leo hii hakuna mahalipo popote ambapo ameonesha ushahidi wa jambo lolote Nyerere alilolisema au kulifanya lenye kuonesha chuki ya Nyerere dhidi ya Waislamu. Lakini amejaza ushahidi lukuki wa mahusiano ya karibu ya Nyerere na Waislamu kabla na baada ya Uhuru. Mohammed Said was/is factually wrong!

5. Mohammed Said amedai kuwa kile alichokiita 'Christian Lobby" ndio kinaendesha nchi na kuwa ndio leo kinaitwa "Mfumo KRistu" ambao unawabagua Waislamu. Mohammed Said ameshindwa vibaya kuonesha jinsi gani mfumo wa kibaguzi unatoa nafasi kwa wale wanaobaguliwa kushika madaraka na nafasi mbalimbali. Hili halijawahi kutokea mahali popote duniani ambapo mfumo wa kIbaguzi ulitengeneza na kuwapa nafasi wale wanaobaguliwa huku mfumo huo ukifanya kazi! Mohammed Said is/was factually wrong.

Gombesugu, tunaweza kuendelea na kuangalia 'facts' ambazo Mohammed Said amekuwa akizidai na kuonesha ni kwanini hazina ukweli wa kihistoria. Kwa wewe kuamini kuwa maandisshi yake yamefanyiwa "thoroughly" research inashangaza; labda neno thoroughly researched limepoteza maana.

Muheshimiwa Mwanakijiji,
Nashukuru sana kwa kunikaribisha. Nimekufahamu kiduchu kwenye maelekezo yako ulonipa.
Napata fadhaa kidogo unapoanza kwa kunishuku Udini,lakini haina neno maana nahisi ndio mambo ya kwenye hii thread/JF.
Nilipoingia tu humu,kuna wale nao walonishuku hasa kutokana na ile bayana yangu ya mwanzo nilomwandikia Mohammed Said . Labda na wao walipata elements fulani za Udini kwenye maandiko yangu(wala silaumu saana,si unajua sisi watu wa Madrasa soote tunashabihiana kama ma-Chinese!). Kuna wengine pia wakahisi labda Mohammed Said anafanya exit strategy kwa kutumia multiple IDs! Once someone harbours that kind of childish thoughts, easily inclined to prejudice and bigotry,which more likely resulting to an infectious mindset.
Nahisi na wewe Bwana Mwanakijiji labda una dasturi ile ile mnayosema kila mara dhidi ya Mohammed Said,ati kwamba anafanya saana conclusions zenye kuangukia kwenye Udini!? Kuna pahala umetaja na kujinasibu u-Tanga wako na kuwa umelelewa na kukulia pale. Mbona leo ustaarabu na dasturi zako unataka kuziharibu ukubwani,si utawaangusha wana-Mjesani wenzio hivyo!?

Most peace loving,clear minded and impartial people,kama watayaona maandiko yangu machache humu na hasa ile bayana yangu ya mwanzo kwa Mohammed Said,basi nina hakika watanipa japo benefit of doubt kama si kukubaliana na mengi nilosema.
Pale uliposema ati unajua "damu nzito kuliko maji" na kunishuku kuwa sababu zangu za kumkubali Mohammed Said ni kwa sababu ya Udini,hasha! Tatizo hili la fikara za Udini na kugawanya watu baina ya wao na sisi,kila siku mnamlaumu Mohammed Said kumbe na wewe pia unalo!? Infact, I'm little bit saddened with your choice of some words describing my thoughts. I think it is bordering question my analytical skills.

Ni muhimu pia utambue,mimi sipo hapa kwa malumbano wala Udini. Nimesha-declare tangia kwenye ile bayana yangu ya mwanzo nilomwandikia Mohammed Said. Mintaarafu yangu ilikua kumshauri na kumsihi aachane na thread hii na afungue nyingine ili kuendelea na mafundisho yake ya Historia. Maana nilishaona muafaka hapa aidha ni mdogo saana au hautakuwepo kabisa,matokeo yake kuna mengi yanasemwa na kashfa kutawala kwa watu kadhaa na Imani zeetu! Mimi binafsi bila ya kuficha kuna mengi nataka kuendelea kujifunza na kujua kutoka kwa Mohammed Said, na ndo maana nikamwomba afungue thread/baraza nyingine ili kwa sisi tunaomkubali na kumtaka iwe wepesi kumsoma na kujadiliana kwa undani nae.

Hivyo vipengele ulivyoninyambulia na kuonyesha kwa madaha udhaifu wa hoja za Mohammed Said ,wala haina haja ndugu yangu. Maana nishaiona hiyo athari ya huo mzunguko na kurembeana kusokwisha baina yenu na Mohammed Said.

Mwanakijiji, naona umetajwa mara kadhaa humu kuwa wewe ni mwandishi na mtaalamu mahiri,sasa sijui hizo ethics zenu za uandishi zinakua wapi pale unapoweka allegations/accusations nzito nzito kwa mwandishi/mtaalmu mwenzio,ati kisa mmekhitilafiana kwenye fani yenu au hukubaliani na hoja au maandiko yake fulani!? Si rahisi kama utakavyo kuwa kila atakaeingia humu hata bila ya Udini amkatae Mohammed Said kama unavyotamani. Na asipofanza hivyo inakuwa katweka maarifa,hana mantiki,haangalii mambo kwa utaalamu wa kisayansi n.k Hypotheticaly speaking,tujaalie waTanzania woote tuwe upande mmoja,halafu Mohammed Said awe yeye peke yake,sasa hiyo democracy ya kujadili mambo na kumkosoa kwa kina itatokea wapi!? Hapa unanikumbukusha ile myth ya WWII.

Pia nimesoma pahala unajinasibu kuwa wewe ni mtoto wa Mchungaji wa Kanisa na pia ilikua moja ya shughuli zako ni kushindana kwenye ile mihadhara ya malumbano ya kidini pale viwanja vya Jangwani na kina Mwaipopo. Na unadai pia hawakufua dafu juu ya umahiri wako wa malumbano.
Ama kwa hakika niliathirika kidogo nilipoona jambo lako hili,I must admit that my sense of judgement has been coloured since!
Ama kwa hakika mimi ndio natakiwa niwe na shaka ya Udini juu yako na labda pia motives zako kwenye thread hii,not the other way round!
Mimi binafsi nilikua nikichukia saana yale mambo ya mabishano ya kidini,maana nilishajua athari na matokeo yake. Kumbe wewe Mwanakijiji ndio ulikuwa mmojawapo wa vinara pale!? Halafu jinsi unavyomlaumu kila mara kina Njozi,Dau,Mohammed Said na WARSHA ni kama vile wewe ni malaika,au kwa sababu umeshaacha na kujirekebisha!Tuacheni utoto jamani!

Ndugu yangu pia mmenisikitisha saana kumwacha Gwalihenzi bila hata ya kumuasa, ajifiche nyuma ya pazia la ati kujifanya hana dini/Atheist,na kutukana Uislamu/Waislamu humu pita kiasi mpaka nalipatwa na homa! Halafu mnadai ati manakumbuka saana mapenzi yalokuwapo zamani baina yetu na kuwa Mohammed Said ndio mbaya na mchochezi!? Hivi nyinyi nyoote mmeshindwa hata kumuonyesha RED au kumsihi kwa yale matamshi yake(nakumbuka mimi nilionyeshwa RED na ndugu yangu JokaKuu pahala fulani,japo mimi bado ni mgeni saana humu)!? Maskini mkamwacha Kadogoo peke yake amsihi na ndo pale Gwalihenzi alizidi kibri,je tunaelekea wapi huko waTanzania!?
Kwa wengi humu mnaompinga Mohammed Said japo kwa dhamira njema,lakini huwa manapoteza credibility zenu pale mnapomsakama pita kiasi na hasa kwenye vijimakosa viduchu mno,kama vile minor typographical errors,halafu ndo watu kadhaa kushikilia ki-point hicho hicho na kufanya mdahala na darsa nzima kwenda out of context. Naona hii ndo inazidisha tafrani kwenye nyoyo za wengine na kuhisi labda kuna hiden agenda/propaganda ya kutaka kumnyamazisha Mohammed Said na ndipo wengi saana wanataka kumsoma zaidi and in particular Muslims!?

Mwanakijiji; kama ni kweli kwa shutuma na wasiwasi ulotoa dhidi ya Mohammed Said basi kipata fursa na wasaa nijaalie majibu japo kiduchu kwa haya hapa nchi yanayonitatiza:

1. Hivi unahisi kuna mantiki gani ilomfanya Bwana Julius Nyerere ashindwe au asitake asilani kumjibu Mohammed Said kwa maandishi au japo kumkemea kwenye vyombo vya habari kwa miaka yoote ile!? Maana soote tunaaambiwa kuwa Nyerere kwenye ukweli, maslahi ya Taifa,na hasa kuhatarisha amani alikua hana ngoja ngoja!?
2. Wengi wenu humu mmeonyesha umahiri na sifa kadhaa za Nyerere,na ukali wake,uadilfu na mengineyo mengi nami sina shaka nakubali ni kweli kabisa. Zaidi ya yoote tunaambiwa kuwa Nyerere aliipenda saana nchi na watu wake. Sasa inakuwaje huyo huyo Nyerere alijua fika kuwa Mohammed Said kaandika uzushi,Udini,kashfa,fitna na kumdhalilisha kihistoria yeye binafsi na family yake, na huenda pakawa na zogo au "janga" kwenye nchi kwa kitabu au habari hizo. Halafu yeye Nyerere akaamua kunyamaza tu!? Sasa hamuoni nyinyi ndo mmnavunjia hishma Nyerere kwa sababu mnaonyesha kuwa alikuwa ni mtu irresponsible na dhaifu na hakujali amani ya nchi!?
3. Mbona Nyerere mara kadhaa aliweza kuwafokea Lowasa,Mwinyi na Malecela tena hadharani,ndio alishindwa "kumshughulikia" Mohammed Said!?
4. Tunajua saana kuwa Nyerere hata alipostaafu lakini bado alikuwa anakubalika na wananchi wengi na pia alikuwa na inffluence kubwa saana kwa marais walomfuatia Mwinyi na Mkapa. Basi alishindwa hata kuwashauri hata wao kuondoa hilo "janga la kihistoria" toka kwa Mohammed Said. Maana mmetaja hapa kuwa WARSHA "ilishughulikiwa" kilivyo na wengine kupata deportation.
5. Mwanakijiji,kuna wakati na kwa sababu uzijuazo wewe binafsi ulikua unahaha kutaka kuandika kitabu kuhusu Rostam Azizi(japo sina hakika kuhusu nini,au ilikua ni biography tu!?). Na ulikua unatafuta watu wowote walokua ati wanamjua kwa njia na nyakati tafauti(shule,Univ. au kikazi) na uliomba wakutafute kwa haraka,na uliacha mpaka contact details zako! Pia unadai ulikua unawafuatilia habari zao kwa makini kina Dau,Njozi,Mohammed Said na WARSHA na ulishajua athari zao kwa Taifa hili kipindi kirefu. Sasa mbona miaka yoote hiyo umekua kimya na hukumjibu kimaandishi/kitaalamu huyu Mohammed Said. Hivi kweli inaingia akilini,ati uwe na muda wa kuandika kitabu/habari za Rostam Aziz na uache kufanya uzalendo ili kepusha maafa/janga kwenye nchi yako kwa kumvunja kimaandishi "mchochezi" Mohammed Said!? Na mpaka sasa hivi bado unadai uko busy huwezi kumjibu,wakati unajua kuwa uandishi wako na utafiti ni muhimu zaidi kwa hivi sasa kutuepusha na hilo "janga" la Mohammed Said!?
6. Kama kuna watu/kikundi hawakubaliani na maandiko ya Mohammed Said,kwanini isitumike Judicial System halafu mahakama ndo isikilize pande zoote kwa undani na kufanza maamuzi yake!?
7. Kama kuna cross section of our society,inahisi kuonewa au kufaniwa dhuluma,na kila kukicha wanatoa malalamiko ambayo wanahisi ati ni ya msingi na ya kitambo na kuwa Serikali haiyashughulikii,sasa kuna ubaya gani wapewe nafasi ya kusikilizwa!? Na wewe unapodai kuwa ati hakuna tatizo kabisa,na wakati walalamikaji au wanaodai kuumia ni wengine!? Je hapa unatumia mantiki gani Mwandani wangu!? Je utajuaje kunguni wa kitanda usichokilala!?

Kwa ufupi, Bwana Mwanakijiji kama kweli kama unavyodai kuwa kuna janga kubwa ndani ya maandiko ya Mohammed Said,basi wa kulaumiwa ni wewe Mwanakijiji na Nyerere kwa kushindwa kumjibu kitaaluma tangia wakati huo! Japo inanilazim nimsamehe Bwana Nyerere maana yeye kishatangulia mbele ya haki.
Hebu fikiria ule muda ulopoteza pale viwanja vya Jangwani wakati huo kwenda kushindana na kina Mwaipopo kwenye malumbano ya kidini,na kama ungeutumia kufanya utafiti wa kina na kuandika kitabu cha "kumshushua" Mohammed Said kitaalamu,unafikiri leo yangefikia haya kweli!?


Ahsanta kwa kukubali kuelimishana.

CC;Ami,The Big Show,Kadogoo,Ritz,Sheikh Mohammed Said,Barubaru,Boko Haramu,Jokakuu,Nyambala

Ps:Nguruvi,Mag3
Naona Wataalamu mmenivamia kama nyuki,lakini haina neno najua tuko pamoja na tunaipenda nchi yetu!ahaha!!
Naheshimu sana michango yenu humu!