Mzee Mwanakijiji
Platinum Member
- Mar 10, 2006
- 33,475
- 39,991
Steve, point yako inanguvu zaidi endapo Mwandosya atafanya alichofanya Powell baada ya kuona hawezi kuendelea kuutetea uongo. KUjiuzulu.
Tujikumbushe sakata la Rada
- Thread starter Lunyungu
- Start date
Mwanakijiji,
USA na Tanzania ni tofauti sana. Kila mtu mzuri akijiuzulu sidhani kama serikali yetu itabaki na watu maana madudu yako mengi sana na inabaki baadhi ya watu kuvumilia tu.
Wakati mwingine muhimu ni kubaki humo humo na kufanya yale unayoyaamini hata kama utachafuka.
Wengine tunajiuliza swali hilo hilo, je ninaweza kuingia politics za TZ na nikabaki Mtanzania yule yule bila kuchafuliwa na madudu ya wanasiasa? Jibu
naona ni HAPANA. Kwahiyo uamuzi mzuri ni kukaa nje ya siasa za TZ.
Bahati mbaya, hicho ndicho mafisadi wanaombea, kwamba watu wa maana na wenye uzalendo na nchi wasiende kwenye siasa.
Mzee Mwanakijiji
Platinum Member
- Mar 10, 2006
- 33,475
- 39,991
Mtanzania, umesema kitu ambacho ni kama mtego. Je mtu mwadilifu anaweza kubakia mwadilifu akiingia kwenye utumishi wa umma? Je Mbunge mtetezi wa wanyonge akipewa Uwaziri anaweza kuendelea kuwa yule yule? Ni jinsi gani madaraka yanambadilisha mtu? Je madaraka ni lazima yambadilishe mtu kiubaya na si kiuzuri? Vinginevyo tunaweza kujikuta tunawaziria nchi mafisadi!
Mwanakijiji,
Mtu anaweza asibadilike lakini katika kutetea serikali ambayo ni wajibu wake anaweza jikuta mabaya ya serikali yanampaka hata yeye.
Ukiwa waziri lazima uwajibike pamoja kwa kutetea mambo yote ya serikali.
Democracy za vyama kitu kigumu mno. Hata huku Europe si unaona jinsi wabunge hawawezi ku vote tofauti na msimamo wa vyama?
Si unakumbuka De Clark wa SA alivyokuwa wakati ni waziri? Lakini alivyofanikiwa kupata madaraka ndiye akafanya reforms.
Siasa kwa kweli ni ngumu na kwa Afrika hata ni ngumu zaidi.
Mtu anaweza asibadilike lakini katika kutetea serikali ambayo ni wajibu wake anaweza jikuta mabaya ya serikali yanampaka hata yeye.
Ukiwa waziri lazima uwajibike pamoja kwa kutetea mambo yote ya serikali.
Democracy za vyama kitu kigumu mno. Hata huku Europe si unaona jinsi wabunge hawawezi ku vote tofauti na msimamo wa vyama?
Si unakumbuka De Clark wa SA alivyokuwa wakati ni waziri? Lakini alivyofanikiwa kupata madaraka ndiye akafanya reforms.
Siasa kwa kweli ni ngumu na kwa Afrika hata ni ngumu zaidi.
Masanja
JF-Expert Member
- Aug 1, 2007
- 4,820
- 8,886
waungwana, mi nasema tusiwe pessimist kiasi hiki. Tukumbuke kwamba in history, positive changes were ushered in by few very few men and women of courage who defied conventional wisdom of doing things. Ni kweli serikalini kuna rushwa na madudu mengineyo. Lakini itakuwa ni kosa kubwa kusema kwamba watu wenye kisomo na ujuvi uliotukuka kama wakina Mwandosya hawana courage ya kusema hapana, lets do this way and not that way. Sasa huo ni usomi gani kama huwezi tambua kibaya na kizuri na kukisimamia?
Well, hapa tumemsulubisha Lowassa na Meghji kwa kosa hilo hilo la kuamini watendaji wa chini yao bila kufanya utafiti, sasa nashangaa kwa nini tutumie standards tofauti anapokuja Profesa.
Hapana, mi naamini kabisa, hata humo serikalini kuna watu wenye akili na mapenzi mema na nchi yetu wanakosa support at the top! Mtu kama Mwandosya angesimama kidete na kumwambia Rais kwamba hapa hakuna tija yoyote kununua hii Rada, Iam sure Mkapa asinge-mdismiss kirahisi. Lakini kwa kuwa aliamua kuwa mnafiki na kutetea uozo ndo maana wengine tunamuona kama msaliti. Jiulize courage ya Mwakyembe dhidi ya Lowassa na wenzake aliitoa wapi? si angeogopa na kusema kwamba Raisi hawezi kunielewa na wala hataifanyia kazi? mbona aliitoa report nzima nzima na JK aliifanyia kazi? WE SHOULD DARE AND NEVER FAIL TO DARE! N Mwakyembe has done us proud all Tanzanians!
Hapana tufike point tubadilike. Profesa angekataa na hata kama angefukuzwa uwaziri, angerudi kushika chaki mlimani na kuendelea na uwakilishi wake wa wananchi na sisi wananchi tungeona.!
My conclusion: Either
Profesa was privy to this scam and knew what was happening and was given his 10% kuiwezesha deal nzima ipite
AU
Profesa aliogopa kupingana na wakubwa kwa kuogopa kupoteza kitumbua chake cha uwaziri, kifupi aliweka maslahi ya tumbo lake mbele. Na ki uhakika viongozi wa namna hiyo hawatufai katika taifa letu hawafai hata kuwa makatibu kata! viongozi wanaoangalia matumbo yao na si maslahi ya wapiga kura wao!
Professa Mariko falls in between the two arguments, which are not pleasant either way for us to continue trusting him!
Kifupi Profesa failed big time na hawezi kutuambia kwamba ni msafi! When we needed him most he had no courage to come forward and help us, now how can we be sure that if one day he becomes President will be prepared to take some painful decisions on our behalf? Let us think beyond the box. Profesa and His apologetics msitudanganye hapa.
Masanja,
Nafikiri labda hujaelewa majadiliano ya hapo juu. Radar ilishanunuliwa na Prof. akaenda kuitetea bungeni wakati huo yeye ni waziri wa wizara husika. Ununuaji wenyewe ulifanywa nyuma wakati yeye sio waziri.
Sasa hapo ndio uwajibikaje kwenye serikali, je angeweza kwenda bungeni na kusagia deal zima? Inawezekana lakini baada ya mwezi tu hata hiyo kazi angepoteza, sio nyumbani tu, hata huku ambako kun a demokrasia nzuri kidogo kuliko kwetu.
Mimi sina jibu kamili, je inatakiwa kufanya nini kwenye mambo kama hayo? Kwa mfano kuna mawaziri wengi tu wanaona shule za secondary za Lowassa na JK ni bomu, je wamwambie hivyo waziwazi bungeni? Utawala wa pamoja unasema inatakiwa wamshauri kisiri, lakini ukimshauri kisiri na akakataa, hakuna atakayejua.
Agao Kichore
Member
- Sep 26, 2007
- 89
- 4
Katika mguso wa pekee ambao kamwe sitoweza kuusahau na hata kulaumu nafsi yangu kama mtanzania ni kauli ya mtu Mramba hiyo ya watanzania kula nyasi ilimradi ndege ya rais inunuliwe. Hakika ilikuwa dhiaka kubwa kwa wawakilishi wetu na nchi kijumla. Lakini hapo ndo niligundua hatuna wawakilishi wa wananchi si upinzani wala chama tawala wote 'Mang'anya'. No body defend by protesting to that sentence.
Let come back to Mwandosya. You should know that during Rada and Ndege, even BOT, TICTS the eyes of our leaders posed in 2005. Mwandosya alijitokeza kugombea na ktk kile kinachokua kutokana na uchaguzi wa 2000 ni kuwa fedha zinatakiwa kuukwaa uongozi ktk nchi hii. Bila deal za namna hii Mwandosya hasingefikiria kuchukua form.
Lakini pia tambua namna Mwandosya alivyousishwa na deal fake kule Celtel na TTCL na hata kusemekana mwanawe alipewa deal la skul out. Mwandosya ni Prof. hakika alitumia uwezo wake kulishawishi Bunge kwa kile ambacho hakikuwa halali kwa nchi japo ukweli huo aliujua. Wananchi walilalamika, vyama vya upinzani pia lakini US, WORLD Bank na IMF walioppose issue na hata kufika bungeni kulikuwa na utata wa gharama. Tazama Mwandosya hakuliweka bayana hili bali kusimamia ushawishi wa kuwa na Rada ya kisasa. Pia hataji uwezo wa Rada kuangaza mpaka Burundi na Rwanda bali anatamka tu kuwa tumekabidhiwa hilo jukumu.
Najua taarifa hii inaweza kuja kwa maana ya kutafuta waliyo jirani na Mwakyembe lakini ni muhimu kutambua historia ya viongozi wetu ktk nyadhifa zao. Kunatofauti kubwa kati ya Meghji na Mwandosya. Pro. ni pro. anauwezo wa kutafakali na kuchambua yeye kupitia nyaraka na kujiridhisha ndo kazi na hata utafiti ndo penyewe. Ametoa mifano ya namna hii ya rada inavyotumiwa na nchi mbali mbali lakini no comparison in prise. Paying 12 bil. more is not a joke they know what they were doing after all it is A pity to believe on Government erupted to be a worse in HISTORY in term of UFISADI. Wote ni Kambale japo wengine wanaonekana kama Mumi.
BAK
JF-Expert Member
- Feb 11, 2007
- 124,790
- 288,007
This deal is immoral, Mr Blair
Debt relief to feed Tanzania's children will aid UK arms dealers
Kevin Watkins
The Guardian,
Friday December 21 2001
Three months ago Tony Blair offered the Labour party conference the vision of an international leader ready to embark on a crusade against poverty. "The state of Africa," he told delegates, "is a scar on the conscience of the world. But if the world as a community focused on it, we could heal it." Today, those words have a hollow ring.
The decision to grant British Aerospace (BAe) an export licence to provide Tanzania with a $40m military air traffic control system exposes the huge gulf between prime ministerial rhetoric and foreign policy realities. The immediate losers will be ordinary Tanzanians. For a country like Britain, the financial sums in this deal are minimal. (The money is about half of Manchester United's annual wage bill.) For Tanzania, the cost of the system, which the International Civil Aviation Authority says is massively over-priced and inadequate, is different - it is about equivalent to one third of the national health budget.
A transfer of resources on this scale implies human costs. One in three Tanzanian children is malnourished; every day about 500 die, mostly from infectious diseases that could be prevented by clean water and sanitation, or treated by low cost medicines. The problem is that public spending on health is $2 per person and over half of the rural poor have no access to health services or clean water.
It is the same in education. There are over 2m primary school age children who have never been in a classroom. Most of those who have know only dilapidated classrooms without rudimentary teaching materials: books, pencils and blackboards.
Allocating $40m to health and education in Tanzania could make a real difference. It would be enough to finance a minimum package of public health for over 3m people. It would raise primary education spending by one fifth - enough to provide classrooms and textbooks for all primary age children, giving them skills they need to escape poverty.
The Tanzanian government's decision to purchase the BAe system - a decision it now regrets but cannot revoke without huge penalties - reflects misplaced priorities. The British government, as Tanzania's largest aid donor, should recognise that the costs of the deal will jeopardise human development. That is why Oxfam wants an arms export bill that establishes clear criteria for vetoing any contracts likely to undermine poverty reduction programmes in poor countries.
Debt campaigners should be very disappointed at Blair's decision to allow BAe an export licence. This deal will wipe out about two thirds of the budget savings Tanzania will make as a result of the heavily indebted poor countries (HIPC) initiative. The energy, drive and commitment of millions of campaigners, and of chancellor Gordon Brown and Clare Short, to establish this debt relief was motivated by a concern to improve the health and education of Africans, and not by an interest in bolstering BAe's profit margins.
There have been arguments made for granting the licence. As the Conservative MP for the Isle of Wight, Andrew Turner, reminded us, the contract will support 250 jobs. And BAe has already produced the system. But the debt relief that will finance the deal was provided to reduce poverty in Africa, not to create jobs on the Isle of Wight. As for BAe, termination of the contract would have barely registered on the corporate radar. This is a company with an annual turnover bigger than Tanzania's entire GDP.
If we are to learn from this, difficult questions have to be answered. Why did the IMF agree to allow Tanzania to take a loan from Barclays Bank to finance the deal? The rules of the HIPC initiative prohibit countries receiving debt relief from borrowing on commercial terms - and the IMF is supposed to be the guardian of those rules. Why is the British government turning a blind eye to the behaviour of Barclays? This is the sort of reckless, unprincipled lending that helped to create Africa's debt crisis.
There is no point allocating British taxpayers' money to poverty reduction in Africa through the aid programme and debt relief, and then allowing UK-based banks and arms exporters to benefit from it. One problem revealed by the Tanzania fiasco is that the Ministry of Defence and Department of Trade and Industry are willing to provide export licences without considering their implications for poverty, and without talking to the Department for International Development. This is not joined-up government.
Along with millions in this country who care about poverty overseas, Oxfam welcomed the Blair commitment to put Britain at the forefront of the fight against poverty in Africa. Now we want to see policies that match the rhetoric. Putting BAe's profit before Tanzania's children is not a good start.
· Kevin Watkins is senior policy adviser for Oxfam.
kwatkins@oxfam.org.uk
Debt relief to feed Tanzania's children will aid UK arms dealers
Kevin Watkins
The Guardian,
Friday December 21 2001
Three months ago Tony Blair offered the Labour party conference the vision of an international leader ready to embark on a crusade against poverty. "The state of Africa," he told delegates, "is a scar on the conscience of the world. But if the world as a community focused on it, we could heal it." Today, those words have a hollow ring.
The decision to grant British Aerospace (BAe) an export licence to provide Tanzania with a $40m military air traffic control system exposes the huge gulf between prime ministerial rhetoric and foreign policy realities. The immediate losers will be ordinary Tanzanians. For a country like Britain, the financial sums in this deal are minimal. (The money is about half of Manchester United's annual wage bill.) For Tanzania, the cost of the system, which the International Civil Aviation Authority says is massively over-priced and inadequate, is different - it is about equivalent to one third of the national health budget.
A transfer of resources on this scale implies human costs. One in three Tanzanian children is malnourished; every day about 500 die, mostly from infectious diseases that could be prevented by clean water and sanitation, or treated by low cost medicines. The problem is that public spending on health is $2 per person and over half of the rural poor have no access to health services or clean water.
It is the same in education. There are over 2m primary school age children who have never been in a classroom. Most of those who have know only dilapidated classrooms without rudimentary teaching materials: books, pencils and blackboards.
Allocating $40m to health and education in Tanzania could make a real difference. It would be enough to finance a minimum package of public health for over 3m people. It would raise primary education spending by one fifth - enough to provide classrooms and textbooks for all primary age children, giving them skills they need to escape poverty.
The Tanzanian government's decision to purchase the BAe system - a decision it now regrets but cannot revoke without huge penalties - reflects misplaced priorities. The British government, as Tanzania's largest aid donor, should recognise that the costs of the deal will jeopardise human development. That is why Oxfam wants an arms export bill that establishes clear criteria for vetoing any contracts likely to undermine poverty reduction programmes in poor countries.
Debt campaigners should be very disappointed at Blair's decision to allow BAe an export licence. This deal will wipe out about two thirds of the budget savings Tanzania will make as a result of the heavily indebted poor countries (HIPC) initiative. The energy, drive and commitment of millions of campaigners, and of chancellor Gordon Brown and Clare Short, to establish this debt relief was motivated by a concern to improve the health and education of Africans, and not by an interest in bolstering BAe's profit margins.
There have been arguments made for granting the licence. As the Conservative MP for the Isle of Wight, Andrew Turner, reminded us, the contract will support 250 jobs. And BAe has already produced the system. But the debt relief that will finance the deal was provided to reduce poverty in Africa, not to create jobs on the Isle of Wight. As for BAe, termination of the contract would have barely registered on the corporate radar. This is a company with an annual turnover bigger than Tanzania's entire GDP.
If we are to learn from this, difficult questions have to be answered. Why did the IMF agree to allow Tanzania to take a loan from Barclays Bank to finance the deal? The rules of the HIPC initiative prohibit countries receiving debt relief from borrowing on commercial terms - and the IMF is supposed to be the guardian of those rules. Why is the British government turning a blind eye to the behaviour of Barclays? This is the sort of reckless, unprincipled lending that helped to create Africa's debt crisis.
There is no point allocating British taxpayers' money to poverty reduction in Africa through the aid programme and debt relief, and then allowing UK-based banks and arms exporters to benefit from it. One problem revealed by the Tanzania fiasco is that the Ministry of Defence and Department of Trade and Industry are willing to provide export licences without considering their implications for poverty, and without talking to the Department for International Development. This is not joined-up government.
Along with millions in this country who care about poverty overseas, Oxfam welcomed the Blair commitment to put Britain at the forefront of the fight against poverty in Africa. Now we want to see policies that match the rhetoric. Putting BAe's profit before Tanzania's children is not a good start.
· Kevin Watkins is senior policy adviser for Oxfam.
kwatkins@oxfam.org.uk
Rev. Kishoka
JF-Expert Member
- Mar 7, 2006
- 4,526
- 1,529
Bubu,
Nashukuru kwa kuileta hapa. Natamani sana nihoji tena kama nilivyouliza kule kwenye mada ya RO ajiuzulu. Wakati habari hii inachapwa na Guardian, yeye RO alikuwa wapi kuiileta Ikulu?
Kwa mujibu wa hii habari, Serikali ya Tanzania ilikuwa inajutia huu mkataba na ununuzi. Je huku kulialia kwetu kwa Kikwete kudai refund kuna maana gani?
Tunaambiwa kuwa vyombo vya usalama wa anga duniani na wataalamu walisema huu mtambo ni bei kubwa mno na ni mdogo kwa mahitaji yetu, inakuwaje Serikali yetu kupitia Mwandosya ilitoa tamko kama hili www.moct.go.tz/budget/rada.pdf-
Huku si kujikanganya kwa Serikali yetu na hata kufikia sasa tunasikia "vijisenti" vilimwagwa kurubuni ununuzi?
Tukiambiwa tuna low IQ tunalalamika!
MwanaHabari
JF-Expert Member
- Nov 9, 2006
- 442
- 13
Tatizo sioni kuhusu hiyo rada (the system itself), tatizo ni the process hiyo radar ilivyonunuliwa na tunaona huyu chenge alilipwa sh. Ngapi...BAE walilipa viongozi gani kinyume na sheria.
Rejea...(Mimi naona Mwandosya ametupa background na timeline Kabisa kusaidia lini dili lilianza)
- Hii team iliyosema hivi ni wakina nani.....
5.2 Tarehe 11 Februari, 1995 Serikali iliamua kimsingi mradi huo utekelezwe baada ya
kujadili taarifa ya Kamati ya Wataalam. HAZINA na BENKI KUU walithibitisha
kwamba mradi huu usingekiuka masharti yaliyokuwa katika mikataba ya Enhanced
Structural Adjustment Facility na Policy Framework Paper (ESAF/PFP) kati yetu na
Shirika la Fedha Duniani (IMF) na Benki ya Dunia (WB).
Hii inaonyesha wajanja tayari walishaanza mpango...Deal was signed and sealed by chenge and friends...
5.3 Baada ya kutafakari zaidi kuhusu gharama ya mradi, Serikali ya Awamu ya Tatu,
mapema mwaka 1996, iliona ipo haja ya kupitia tena mradi huo na kuamua
kuutekeleza kwa awamu, na kutaka marekebisho yafanywe kwenye muundo wa
gharama na ulipiaji wa mradi.
Tarehe 5 Machi 1997 Serikali iliagiza Mamlaka zinazohusika kukamilisha suala hili
kwa mtazamo wa kupunguza gharama za mradi.
5
5.5 Mwezi Septemba 1997 Serikali ilikubaliana na Kampuni kuhusu idadi ya mitambo
ya rada na kujenga mfumo wa uwiano. Thamani ya mradi inajumuisha mitambo,
huduma, mafunzo, akiba ya vipuri vya mitambo ya rada, na mishahara ya
wahandisi wa muda wa kigeni, kwenye Mkataba wa Mauzo.
5.6 Kufuatia taarifa ya awali ya Mtaalam Mwelekezi ambayo ilikubaliana na mpango
wa Tanzania wa kununua rada za kisasa, tarehe 16-17 Oktoba, 1997 Serikali ya
Tanzania ilikuwa na mazungumzo na Barclays Bank kuhusu Mkataba wa mkopo.
Kwa mujibu wa Mkataba huo Barclays Bank walikubali kutoa mkopo wa masharti
nafuu. Mkopo huo umezingatia masharti ya IMF/WB kwa Tanzania kuhusu vigezo
vya unafuu.
5.7 Aidha, mkopo huo ulizingatiwa kwenye mazungumzo ya Serikali na Mashirika ya
Fedha ya IMF/WB kuhusu nchi yetu kuwa na uwezo wa kulipa madeni yake na pia
kuendelea na mfumo/utaratibu wa kufutiwa madeni hayo (Debt sustainability
analysis of the HIPC process).
5.8 Hadi sasa Serikali imeshafanya malipo ya awali ya USD 5.4 milioni. Malipo hayo
yalihitajika ili Kampuni iweze kuanza matengenezo ya mitambo kwani haipatikani
katika hali iliyo tayari kwenye maduka au bohari za viwanda. Kwa kawaida
hutengenezwa kukidhi mahitaji maalum na baada ya Mikataba kusainiwa.
Rejea...(Mimi naona Mwandosya ametupa background na timeline Kabisa kusaidia lini dili lilianza)
- Hii team iliyosema hivi ni wakina nani.....
5.2 Tarehe 11 Februari, 1995 Serikali iliamua kimsingi mradi huo utekelezwe baada ya
kujadili taarifa ya Kamati ya Wataalam. HAZINA na BENKI KUU walithibitisha
kwamba mradi huu usingekiuka masharti yaliyokuwa katika mikataba ya Enhanced
Structural Adjustment Facility na Policy Framework Paper (ESAF/PFP) kati yetu na
Shirika la Fedha Duniani (IMF) na Benki ya Dunia (WB).
Hii inaonyesha wajanja tayari walishaanza mpango...Deal was signed and sealed by chenge and friends...
5.3 Baada ya kutafakari zaidi kuhusu gharama ya mradi, Serikali ya Awamu ya Tatu,
mapema mwaka 1996, iliona ipo haja ya kupitia tena mradi huo na kuamua
kuutekeleza kwa awamu, na kutaka marekebisho yafanywe kwenye muundo wa
gharama na ulipiaji wa mradi.
Tarehe 5 Machi 1997 Serikali iliagiza Mamlaka zinazohusika kukamilisha suala hili
kwa mtazamo wa kupunguza gharama za mradi.
5
5.5 Mwezi Septemba 1997 Serikali ilikubaliana na Kampuni kuhusu idadi ya mitambo
ya rada na kujenga mfumo wa uwiano. Thamani ya mradi inajumuisha mitambo,
huduma, mafunzo, akiba ya vipuri vya mitambo ya rada, na mishahara ya
wahandisi wa muda wa kigeni, kwenye Mkataba wa Mauzo.
5.6 Kufuatia taarifa ya awali ya Mtaalam Mwelekezi ambayo ilikubaliana na mpango
wa Tanzania wa kununua rada za kisasa, tarehe 16-17 Oktoba, 1997 Serikali ya
Tanzania ilikuwa na mazungumzo na Barclays Bank kuhusu Mkataba wa mkopo.
Kwa mujibu wa Mkataba huo Barclays Bank walikubali kutoa mkopo wa masharti
nafuu. Mkopo huo umezingatia masharti ya IMF/WB kwa Tanzania kuhusu vigezo
vya unafuu.
5.7 Aidha, mkopo huo ulizingatiwa kwenye mazungumzo ya Serikali na Mashirika ya
Fedha ya IMF/WB kuhusu nchi yetu kuwa na uwezo wa kulipa madeni yake na pia
kuendelea na mfumo/utaratibu wa kufutiwa madeni hayo (Debt sustainability
analysis of the HIPC process).
5.8 Hadi sasa Serikali imeshafanya malipo ya awali ya USD 5.4 milioni. Malipo hayo
yalihitajika ili Kampuni iweze kuanza matengenezo ya mitambo kwani haipatikani
katika hali iliyo tayari kwenye maduka au bohari za viwanda. Kwa kawaida
hutengenezwa kukidhi mahitaji maalum na baada ya Mikataba kusainiwa.
Rev. Kishoka
JF-Expert Member
- Mar 7, 2006
- 4,526
- 1,529
Swali linabakia, ndio tunahitaji Radar. Lakini tulipoonyeshwa nyingine ambazo ni kubwa kwa bei ile ile au nafuu, tulikataa kwa nguvu na kudai sisi niTaifa huru!
Sasa majuto yalianza lini? Ikiwa tulikuwa na kiburi kikubwa namna hiyo, baada ya kuingia mkataba ndipo tuanze kujutia na kulalama gharama za kujitoa?
Kwanza hilo la majuto ya kuingia gharama tukijitoa si kweli. Kwa mujibu wa mambo yalivyokwenda, tungeenda kwenye Serikali ya Uingereza na kuomba wasitishe huo mkataba, Serikali ya Uingereza ilikuwa na uwezo wa kusitisha mkataba kwa kutumia vipengele vingi ambavyo vingetopa uhuru kujitoa bila kulipa senti moja.
Ni ulaghai, unafiki na aibu kubwa sana Serikali na Rais wetu wanavyokimbilia kudai tumetapeliwa na BAE. No tumejitapeli wenyewe kwa kukiuka na kupuuzia ushauri wa wale wale wanaotupa hela na kutuokoa.
Wangangania ili wapate 10% watu wameambiwa na final user hiyo rada haifai lakini walingangania wakanunu kitu ambacho kabla hta ujalipa mkopo wa kunulia kinakuwa hakifai tena. Hii situation ndo ilisaidia kupile madeni ya nchi za kiafrica, IMF hawajali wanachojali pesa inarudi kwenye nchi zao hata wananchi wakila nyasi shauri yao, afterall viongozi wao wameshawapasha kuwa hata kama wanakula nyasi.....
MwanaHabari
JF-Expert Member
- Nov 9, 2006
- 442
- 13
Kweli Serikali ilikuwa na kiburi kung'ang'ania hiyo moja, na tunaona sasa through chenge, Kwanini. Tunataka uchunguzi wa team ya Hazina 1997 na wote waliyofanya uchunguzi na kusema BAE
ni safi by the time mkataba unasainiwa. WOTE, akiwemo Mramba, Mkapa, Dr. Idriss
ni safi by the time mkataba unasainiwa. WOTE, akiwemo Mramba, Mkapa, Dr. Idriss
BAK
JF-Expert Member
- Feb 11, 2007
- 124,790
- 288,007
£15m jet sparks new Tanzania row
As Britain agrees aid package, Dar es Salaam defies World Bank with order of plane for president
David Hencke, Westminster correspondent The Guardian,
Monday July 22 2002 July 22 2002.
The Tanzanian president, Benjamin Mkapa, ordered a £15m personal jet just before reaching a deal with Clare Short, the international development secretary, to receive a £270m aid package from Britain over six years to improve health and education in one of Africa's poorest countries.
The order, revealed in a speech by Tanzania's finance minister, has infuriated the World Bank, which is supervising the country's budget and is already embroiled in a dispute over the purchase of a £28m military air traffic control system from BAE Systems.
The World Bank is demanding an explanation from Tanzania on why it is buying a presidential jet when it already has one aircraft less than 10 years old to fly the leader around the country.
The bank is supposed to be consulted before any big expenditure is made. It has asked the Tanzanian government for information on the deal and has also advised it to consider chartering a new aircraft instead.
The deal comes as the row continues over the purchase of the military air traffic control system, which has been condemned by experts employed by the World Bank as outdated technology and unsuitable for Tanzania's civil aviation needs.
The jet order is also an embarrassment to Ms Short, who has been critical of Tanzania's purchase of the military air traffic control system. This deal split the Cabinet, with Tony Blair, Patricia Hewitt, the trade secretary, and Geoff Hoon, the defence secretary, supporting the order against Ms Short and the chancellor, Gordon Brown.
Ms Short visited Tanzania this month to patch up relationships after her views had angered the Tanzanian government. She has been supportive of the the country's efforts to improve health and education and agreed to a six-year aid programme which would guarantee the country at least £45m a year from Britain.
A statement issued after her talks with the president said: "They had a frank discussion about Tanzania's air traffic control system and agreed to work together to support Tanzania's efforts to find the best way forward. There were lessons to be learnt from both sides."
She was told about the purchase of the jet but was satisfied that it was essential for the president to travel around the country, which has poor roads. She assumed it had been cleared by the World Bank. This has proved not to be the case.
Last night Norman Lamb, the Liberal Democrat deputy international development spokesman, said: "I am extremely concerned about this proposed purchase. Coming so soon after £28m being wasted on a military air traffic control system, this rubs salt into the wound for the people of Tanzania.
"I find it remarkable that, on the one hand, the government of Tanzania says it is committed to more open and accountable public finances, but then on the other hand appears to conceal from the World Bank the details of this purchase.
"If the World Bank sets rules for public expenditure disclosure then there must be some sanction when the rules are broken or they become meaningless, nothing more than window dressing."
As Britain agrees aid package, Dar es Salaam defies World Bank with order of plane for president
David Hencke, Westminster correspondent The Guardian,
Monday July 22 2002 July 22 2002.
The Tanzanian president, Benjamin Mkapa, ordered a £15m personal jet just before reaching a deal with Clare Short, the international development secretary, to receive a £270m aid package from Britain over six years to improve health and education in one of Africa's poorest countries.
The order, revealed in a speech by Tanzania's finance minister, has infuriated the World Bank, which is supervising the country's budget and is already embroiled in a dispute over the purchase of a £28m military air traffic control system from BAE Systems.
The World Bank is demanding an explanation from Tanzania on why it is buying a presidential jet when it already has one aircraft less than 10 years old to fly the leader around the country.
The bank is supposed to be consulted before any big expenditure is made. It has asked the Tanzanian government for information on the deal and has also advised it to consider chartering a new aircraft instead.
The deal comes as the row continues over the purchase of the military air traffic control system, which has been condemned by experts employed by the World Bank as outdated technology and unsuitable for Tanzania's civil aviation needs.
The jet order is also an embarrassment to Ms Short, who has been critical of Tanzania's purchase of the military air traffic control system. This deal split the Cabinet, with Tony Blair, Patricia Hewitt, the trade secretary, and Geoff Hoon, the defence secretary, supporting the order against Ms Short and the chancellor, Gordon Brown.
Ms Short visited Tanzania this month to patch up relationships after her views had angered the Tanzanian government. She has been supportive of the the country's efforts to improve health and education and agreed to a six-year aid programme which would guarantee the country at least £45m a year from Britain.
A statement issued after her talks with the president said: "They had a frank discussion about Tanzania's air traffic control system and agreed to work together to support Tanzania's efforts to find the best way forward. There were lessons to be learnt from both sides."
She was told about the purchase of the jet but was satisfied that it was essential for the president to travel around the country, which has poor roads. She assumed it had been cleared by the World Bank. This has proved not to be the case.
Last night Norman Lamb, the Liberal Democrat deputy international development spokesman, said: "I am extremely concerned about this proposed purchase. Coming so soon after £28m being wasted on a military air traffic control system, this rubs salt into the wound for the people of Tanzania.
"I find it remarkable that, on the one hand, the government of Tanzania says it is committed to more open and accountable public finances, but then on the other hand appears to conceal from the World Bank the details of this purchase.
"If the World Bank sets rules for public expenditure disclosure then there must be some sanction when the rules are broken or they become meaningless, nothing more than window dressing."
MwanaHabari
JF-Expert Member
- Nov 9, 2006
- 442
- 13
tusisahau kuwa ile siyo ndege ya "rais" ni ya kitengo cha serikali "Tanzania Government flight" ambayo ni ya serikali kwa ujumla na hata inaweza kukodishwa na mtwho can afford mtu yeyote
who can afford it. Yes, the argument has always been, Cost...no tumechoka na vya bei rahisi, the G550 is a remarkable piece of engineering (for those who are familiar withit) and it was built with options specific to suit the Govt needs including the conditions it was designed and runways its designed to use , the fokker F28 is old and a waste of money (Mind you Fokker the company doesnt exist anymore so its getting harder to maintain).
Nimechoka na hawawazungu kutuambia tu-settle na cheap things ili we always end up updating those goods sooner so they make more money. Haka ka Gulfstream tutakufa nako for 40 yrs.
I support the purchase 100%, Capacity yake ya watu kama 25 safi kabisa kuhakikisha kama raisi anasafiri inatosha entourage ya maana. Tatizo huyu mwenzetu nadhani sijui waganga wamemuambia asitumie hiyo ndege (utani tu) na safari zake za watu 50 na uchafu on commercial flights ndiyo ubadhilifu wa pesa.
G550 is Bien!
Rev. Kishoka
JF-Expert Member
- Mar 7, 2006
- 4,526
- 1,529
?? Huh??
Je mshiko wa Gulfstream ulikuwa kiasi gani? Maana dalali yule yule wa Radar alituletea hili Air Utalii!
BAK
JF-Expert Member
- Feb 11, 2007
- 124,790
- 288,007
Unasupport ununuzi wa ndege hiyo wakati mahospitali yetu hayana madawa, hayana vitanda, hayana vifaa mbali mbali ambavyo ni muhimu kwa mahospitali, mashule hayana madarasa ya kutosha, hayana walimu wa kutosha!!! Kweli vipaumbele vyako havina tofauti na vile vya mafisadi!
MwanaHabari
JF-Expert Member
- Nov 9, 2006
- 442
- 13
Mimi naunga mkono kutafuta wale wote waliopata mshiko, lazima wachunguzwe, bei ya ndege ilikuwa kama 50million US...sasa kama Hazina ilitoa nyingi zaidi, watafutwe.
Lazima waanikwe.
When it comes to the plane, huyu muungwana haitumii kwa maslahi yake mwenyewe anajua yeye, ila ndege ina fulfil mahitaji yote ya Raisi, Serikali na watu binafsi, maana ni Efficient na ina moja ya range ndefu katika ndege zote sasa.
Size yake ndogo inamaana inaweza kutua viwanja vidogo ambavyo ni rahisi kiusalama kumsafirisha kiongozi kuliko travelling commercial.
Kuruka Dar-Hanoi Non Stop si mchezo...Hiyo fokker watu waliolilia , uliza ilichukua stops ngapi to refuel kufika london tu (Khartoum, Cyprus -sometimes also Paris)...(na lazima ulipe fuel kila ikisimama)
tena inafaa sana kwa trip ndefu za muungwana
BAK
JF-Expert Member
- Feb 11, 2007
- 124,790
- 288,007
Kuna kila dalili zinazoonyesha waliilazimisha inunuliwe ili wajipatie mshiko. Hawa viongozi wako mstari wa mbele kutuimbia kwamba Tanzania ni moja ya nchi maskini sana duniani, lakini ikija kwenye matanuzi yanayohusiana na nyadhifa zao kamwe hawaishi kama wako katika nchi maskini. Wanataka kutanua wakati mwingine kuliko hata viongozi wa nchi za magharibi ambao nchi zao zimepiga hatua kubwa kimaendeleo ukilinganisha na Tanzania.
BAK
JF-Expert Member
- Feb 11, 2007
- 124,790
- 288,007
Posted Date::4/24/2008
Uingereza sasa yafuatilia vigogo wengine 11 katika kashfa ya rada
* Wamo mawaziri na makatibu wakuu
* SFO yachunguza akaunti zao za benki
Na Ramadhan Semtawa
Mwananchi
BAADA ya akaunti ya Andrew Chenge, kuchunguzwa kwa tuhuma za kujipatia mabilioni ya shilingi kutokana na ununuzi wa rada ya kijeshi kutoka kampuni ya BAE System ya Uingereza, imebainika kuwa mchakato wa ununuzi wa rada hiyo unagusa vigogo wengine kumi wa serikali iliyopita na iliyopo madarakani
Kwa mujibu wa uchunguzi wa gazeti hili, uchunguzi wa vigogo hao kuhusika kwenye kashfa hiyo unafanywa na Taasisi ya Kuchunguza Makosa makubwa ya Jinia (SFO) ya Uingereza, ili kubaini kama nao walipata chochote.
Vyanzo huru vya habari vya Mwananchi kutoka serikalini, katika orodha hiyo ya vigogo ambao akaunti zao zinachunguzwa wamo mawaziri waandamizi katika serikali iliyopita na ya sasa.
Mawaziri hao wanatajwa kuhusika na kashfa hiyo kutokana na nyadhifa zao na uwajibikaji wao wa moja kwa moja au kutokana na nafasi zao kuhusika moja kwa moja na uidhinishaji mkataba na malipo.
Katika orodha hiyo pia wamo naibu waziri mmoja, makatibu wakuu wa wizara, wataalamu na maafisa waandamizi katika wizara iliyokuwa ya Mawasiliano na Uchukuzi na Mamlaka ya Usafiri wa Anga (TCAA) kutokana na mamlaka kuhusika moja kwa moja katika suala zima la usimamizi wa usafiri wa anga.
Taarifa hizo zimedokeza kwamba, kabla ya Chenge kuhojiwa, makachero wa SFO walifika nchini na kupata ruhusa ya kumchunguza.
Ununuzi wa rada hiyo kwa kiasi cha Sh70bilioni uliwahi kupigiwa kelele, kwamba utaitia hasara nchi kwa kuwa hizo ni fedha nyingi na kwamba mahitaji halisi ya nchi ingeweza kununua rada ya Sh5bilioni.
Hata hivyo, serikali ya awamu ya tatu ilipuuza malalamiko ya wananchi na kununua rada hiyo kwa madai kuwa ni kwa ajili ya usalama wa anga la nchi.
Sakata la ununuzi wa rada hiyo kwa Tanzania, ni sawa na linalotikisa nchini Saud Arabia ambayo imeuziwa vifaa vya kijeshi, huku Pauni1 bilioni zikidaiwa kuingizwa katika akaunti ya Mwana wa Mfalme Bandari, ambaye hata hivyo amekana kuwa na kiasi hicho cha fedha.
Kwa Tanzania, hadi sasa Chenge anachunguzwa ndiye anayechunguzwa na Taasisi ya Uingereza ya Makosa Makubwa ya Jinai, (Serious Fraud Office) kwa madai ya kujilimbikizia sh 1.2 bilioni katika akaunti yake moja katika kisiwa cha Jersey.
Wakati Chenge mwenyewe akiwa ameweka bayana msimamo wake wa kushirikiana na SFO na kutaka watu wasubiri matokeo ya taarifa ya uchunguzi huo.
Hata hivyo, uchunguzi wa SFO haumanishi kwamba wanaochunguzwa wamekula rushwa ya rada, bali kuangalia fedha zao zilipatikana kwa njia ipi na kama zina uhusiano na ununuzi wa rada hiyo.
SFO inachunguza ili kubaini kama dalali wa ununuzi wa rada hiyo kati ya serikali ya Tanzania na BAE System, Shailesh Vithlani aligawa fedha za kamisheni Sh12 bilioni kwa baadhi ya wanasiasa na maafisa wa Serikali ya Tanzania.
Uingereza sasa yafuatilia vigogo wengine 11 katika kashfa ya rada
* Wamo mawaziri na makatibu wakuu
* SFO yachunguza akaunti zao za benki
Na Ramadhan Semtawa
Mwananchi
BAADA ya akaunti ya Andrew Chenge, kuchunguzwa kwa tuhuma za kujipatia mabilioni ya shilingi kutokana na ununuzi wa rada ya kijeshi kutoka kampuni ya BAE System ya Uingereza, imebainika kuwa mchakato wa ununuzi wa rada hiyo unagusa vigogo wengine kumi wa serikali iliyopita na iliyopo madarakani
Kwa mujibu wa uchunguzi wa gazeti hili, uchunguzi wa vigogo hao kuhusika kwenye kashfa hiyo unafanywa na Taasisi ya Kuchunguza Makosa makubwa ya Jinia (SFO) ya Uingereza, ili kubaini kama nao walipata chochote.
Vyanzo huru vya habari vya Mwananchi kutoka serikalini, katika orodha hiyo ya vigogo ambao akaunti zao zinachunguzwa wamo mawaziri waandamizi katika serikali iliyopita na ya sasa.
Mawaziri hao wanatajwa kuhusika na kashfa hiyo kutokana na nyadhifa zao na uwajibikaji wao wa moja kwa moja au kutokana na nafasi zao kuhusika moja kwa moja na uidhinishaji mkataba na malipo.
Katika orodha hiyo pia wamo naibu waziri mmoja, makatibu wakuu wa wizara, wataalamu na maafisa waandamizi katika wizara iliyokuwa ya Mawasiliano na Uchukuzi na Mamlaka ya Usafiri wa Anga (TCAA) kutokana na mamlaka kuhusika moja kwa moja katika suala zima la usimamizi wa usafiri wa anga.
Taarifa hizo zimedokeza kwamba, kabla ya Chenge kuhojiwa, makachero wa SFO walifika nchini na kupata ruhusa ya kumchunguza.
Ununuzi wa rada hiyo kwa kiasi cha Sh70bilioni uliwahi kupigiwa kelele, kwamba utaitia hasara nchi kwa kuwa hizo ni fedha nyingi na kwamba mahitaji halisi ya nchi ingeweza kununua rada ya Sh5bilioni.
Hata hivyo, serikali ya awamu ya tatu ilipuuza malalamiko ya wananchi na kununua rada hiyo kwa madai kuwa ni kwa ajili ya usalama wa anga la nchi.
Sakata la ununuzi wa rada hiyo kwa Tanzania, ni sawa na linalotikisa nchini Saud Arabia ambayo imeuziwa vifaa vya kijeshi, huku Pauni1 bilioni zikidaiwa kuingizwa katika akaunti ya Mwana wa Mfalme Bandari, ambaye hata hivyo amekana kuwa na kiasi hicho cha fedha.
Kwa Tanzania, hadi sasa Chenge anachunguzwa ndiye anayechunguzwa na Taasisi ya Uingereza ya Makosa Makubwa ya Jinai, (Serious Fraud Office) kwa madai ya kujilimbikizia sh 1.2 bilioni katika akaunti yake moja katika kisiwa cha Jersey.
Wakati Chenge mwenyewe akiwa ameweka bayana msimamo wake wa kushirikiana na SFO na kutaka watu wasubiri matokeo ya taarifa ya uchunguzi huo.
Hata hivyo, uchunguzi wa SFO haumanishi kwamba wanaochunguzwa wamekula rushwa ya rada, bali kuangalia fedha zao zilipatikana kwa njia ipi na kama zina uhusiano na ununuzi wa rada hiyo.
SFO inachunguza ili kubaini kama dalali wa ununuzi wa rada hiyo kati ya serikali ya Tanzania na BAE System, Shailesh Vithlani aligawa fedha za kamisheni Sh12 bilioni kwa baadhi ya wanasiasa na maafisa wa Serikali ya Tanzania.
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