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'Reverend' Kishoka and the Idea of Legalizing 'Selfishness' to foster 'Development'

Discussion in 'Jukwaa la Siasa' started by Companero, Jan 1, 2010.

  1. Companero

    Companero Platinum Member

    #1
    Jan 1, 2010
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    The metamorphosis of the ideas and positions of Mchungaji Kishoka has not occurred unnoticed. Of particular interest is the evolution from his stance on 'collective self-reliance' to 'individualism.' It is not easy to tell whether the 'Reverend' is playing the devil's advocate or he has seriously undergone the baptism of fire in the ivory towers and citadels of western liberalism, capitalisma and imperialism. What is important though is to unpack his recent assertions against the twin key tenets of African Socialism, that is, collective ownership of national resources and equitable distribution of the wealth of the nation.

    When the self-proclaimed Reverend asserts that there is no problem with being or becoming rich and using riches in whatever ways one personally wishes provided s/he is doing so within the confines of the law, he is taking for granted the political economy of 'private wealth' and its legal context. He is assuming that people simply become rich by hardwork and others become poor by being lazy. Or as another champion of 'personal wealth' puts it: 'I am rich but not because you are poor!' However, the political economy of richness indicate that historically being rich is primarily a result of taking advantage of others or to put it in the crude language of anti-capitalism, it is mainly an outcome of exploitation.

    It is this last point that Mchungaji needs to contextualize with respect to the fact that the laws we have were mainly enacted to protect this exploitation and exploiters. Probably no other person historicize better the evolution of this liberal legal regime that protect 'private property' that in essence is 'collective property' than our eminent constitutional lawyer and Professor of Law, Issa Shivji, in his article 'Law's Empire and Empire's Lawlessness.' It would do Mchungaji justice if he reads it hereunder:
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    For those of us who come from Africa, the hypocrisy and the double standards of the Western Establishment are not new. We have got accustomed to it. Yet, barring intellectual sceptics and political opportunists, the admirers, nay believers, in values of Enlightenment and the virtues of Rule of Law have been many and not far between. The Nkrumahs and the Nyereres, the Mandelas and the Mondlanes were all steeped in Western liberal values and crafted the demands of their people's independence in the language of law and rights. When accused of liberalism by left students in the 1960s, the author of Socialism and Self-reliance, Julius Nyerere, quipped: 'I am a bourgeois democrat at heart!'

    The nationalist critique of the Western legal, moral and political order, which, in any case, the African leaders adopted in their countries, was from within. It was a critique, which highlighted the divergence between the ideal and the real, between theory and practice, between the desirable and the achievable. The fundamental premises of the Western legal thought and its world outlook, however, remained, by and large, unchallenged.


    Some of us who adopted more radical approaches, albeit still within Western traditions, did not perhaps subscribe wholly to Thompson's thesis that the rule of law was an 'unqualified good'. Yet we, too, saw in bourgeois law and legality, space for struggle to advance the social project of human liberation and emancipation. Law, we argued, was a terrain of struggle; that rule of law, while expressing and reinforcing the rule of the bourgeoisie, did also represent the achievement of the working classes; that even though bourgeois democracy was a limited class project, it was an advance over authoritarian orders and ought to be defended. The legal discourse, whether liberal or radical, thus remained rooted in Western values, exalting the Law's Empire.


    To be sure, in my part of the world, the law faculty and students went beyond the confines of legal discourse. The sixties and seventies saw an upsurge in interdisciplinary approaches to law. We crafted new courses like 'law and development', read theories of imperialism and demonstrated against the war in Vietnam. Imperialism was on the defensive.


    We studied history and political economy. We discovered and recorded the crimes of imperialism against our people. We came to know how our continent was depopulated and its social fabric devastated by the slave trade and then colonialism. We were enraged. We were equally enraged as we read how the industrial revolution in Britain was built on the backs of child labour and American development rose from the genocide of the indigenous 'Indian' population and the enslavement of our brothers and sisters. In disgust, we learnt that while the pundits of capitalism glorified competition, the textile houses of Lancashire conspired to have the hands of Indian craftsmen chopped off so as to destroy India's textile industry.


    Although all this was history, we were outraged because imperialism continued to be with us and showed its most brutal and ugly face as it napalmed Vietnam. Apartheid South Africa, with the connivance of imperialism, armed RENAMO creating havoc in the newly liberated Mozambique. American multinationals continued to rape the resources of the then Zaire, now the Democratic Republic of Congo. In much of the rest of Africa the cold war continued to be fought by the superpowers through their proxies leaving the dead, the maimed and the malnourished in its wake.


    Eventually the Lilliputian Vietnam demolished, morally and militarily, giant America. David defeated Goliath. The backward Portuguese empire collapsed. We were inspired. Imperialism was demoralised. Then came the restoration.


    The Berlin wall fell. Imperialism rode on the triumphalist wave to rehabilitate itself. Douglas Hurd, the then British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, heaved a sigh of relief: 'we are slowly putting behind us a period of history when the West was unable to express a legitimate interest in the developing world without being accused of 'neo-colonialism'.' The moral rehabilitation of imperialism was first and foremost ideological which in turn was constructed on neo-liberal economic precepts - 'free' market, privatisation, liberalisation, etc - the so-called Washington consensus. Human rights, NGOs, good governance, multiparty democracy, and rule of law were all rolled together with privatisation and liberalisation, never mind that they were utterly incompatible.


    The 'new' comeback of rule of law had little to do with the original Enlightenment values, which underlay it. This time around it came as both a farce and a tragedy. Farce because the law was not being made by the representatives of the people. International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and their consultants dictated it. Tragedy because the national sovereignty won by the colonised people was all but lost except in name, and this time around, as John Pilger says somewhere, without a gunboat in sight. But guns were never out of sight. Witness Panama. Witness Sudan. Witness Somalia and Iraq and Iraq again.


    Globalisation, through the laws of privatisation and liberalisation, struck at the heart of the democratic legislative process. Then, lo! behold, came nine-eleven. Mr Bush picked up his 'phone to receive pre-arranged messages of support from African leaders, one after another. Everyone was told to fall in line. 'You are either with us or with terrorists'. No African leader could dare say anything even remotely close to what the Iranian leader said: 'We're neither with you nor with the terrorists!'. Iran was promptly included in the axis of evil.


    One after another, African countries enacted similar anti-terrorism statutes, contrary to their own constitutions which had provided for bill of rights. The anti-terrorist laws made no pretence of rule of law. Due process, integrity and certainty of rules, open trials, principles of natural justice, right of appeal were all dispensed with. The definitions of terrorism are so wide that these laws are worse then some of the draconian statutes legislated during the one-party authoritarian rule. Opposition to anti-terrorist law was ruthlessly suppressed. In my country, the President devoted the whole of his monthly speech reprimanding the opponents of the anti-terrorist law.


    If privatisation laws stabbed the heart of the legislative process, the anti-terrorism laws tore the artery of the judicial process. The rhetoric of the rule of law was exposed to be what it was - a rhetoric. As elsewhere, the Americans are now in the saddle training our police in anti-terrorism. They will soon establish a regional school to train spies, of course, to spy on us, the people, the supposed beneficiaries of human rights, due process, and the rule of law.


    This is only a beginning though. The trends are clear. On the West Coast of Africa, the American multinationals are striking roots to control oil resources while on the Eastern board, from Djibouti to, eventually, perhaps, Zanzibar, the Marines are establishing military bases. Who rules Africa today?


    Continue reading at http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/law/elj/lgd/2003_1/shivji2/
     
  2. Rev. Kishoka

    Rev. Kishoka JF-Expert Member

    #2
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    Wow, what an honor to be a subject of such discussion!

    I guess revolutionizing Ujamaa and its thinking it is going to be a real hard challenge for me especially as I am prepareing myself to get started with Progressive People's Party of Tanzania!

    The debate is now opened for discussion!
     
  3. Rev. Kishoka

    Rev. Kishoka JF-Expert Member

    #3
    Jan 2, 2010
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    Companero,

    Lets talk about Ubinafsi for a second.

    Let say mimi ni Mapunda, ni mkulima au mwajiriwa. Kwa juhudi zangu nafanya kazi kwa bidii, maarifa na hivyo kupata ujira unaoongezeka kutokana na ufanisi wangu.

    Naingiwa na wazo la kujijenga kiuchumi na hata kibiashara ili kujiongezea na kuwa mzalishaji wa kuwauzia wengine au wengine kunufaika na matunda ya kazi yangu.

    Naanzisha kiwanda cha kusaga na kukoboa mahindi na kuzalisha unga wa ugali, mahindi ya makande, mahindi yaliyo chacha na kuwa kimea kwa ajili ya wapika Chibuku, Kindi na Rubisi na zaidi, mashudu, pumba na makapi yanatengenezwa kuwa chakula cha wanyama na mbolea.

    Kwa kutumia akiba yangu ambayo ilitokana na kipato halali, najianzishia kampuni yangu, nanunua ardhi na kujenga kiwanda changu na hata kuomb mkopo kutoka Benki au taasisi ya Serikali kunisaidia kama mjasirimali.

    Ninapoanza uzalishaji wa kiwanda changu, mahindi nakwenda kuyanunua Rukwa, Songea, Mwanza, Arusha kutoka soko la wakulima au ushirika na kuyanunua kwa bei ya soko ambayo ni halali bila mimi kuwapunja wakulima hawa. Zaidi, nawapa kichocheo na motisha wa kuwaomba wanizalishie mahindi yaliyo na ubora fulani.

    Kiwandani kwangu, naajiri wafanyakazi ambao watapewa mafunzo ya kazi, kutokana na idara na sehemu zinazohusika. Wafanyakazi hawa analipwa mishahara na marupurupu mengine kama inavyopangwa na Serikali na kukubalika kwa Sheria za kazi na idara ya kazi.

    Kiwanda changu, kinafuata taratibu zote za kisheria na kikazi, hivyo kuhakikisha usalama wa wafanyakazi, usalama wa chakula kinachozalishwa na ubora wa bidhaa zinapokamilika.

    Bei ya Unga wa Kishoka au machicha ya Kishoka, si ya ulanguzi, inaendana na bei ya unga, mahindi na chicha iliyoko katika mzunguko wa walaji.

    Natangaza bidhaa yangu kwenye magazeti, TV na kufanya maonyesho ili kuuza bidhaa yangu mpya kwa jamii.

    Mauzo yanafanyika, kodi na ushuru ninalipa, vitabu vyangu vya fedha vinakaguliwa inavyopaswa, kiwanda changu kinakaguliwa na watu wa TBS, Wizara ya Afya, Wizara ya Kazi kama inavyopaswa.

    Kutoka uzalishaji wa kilo 100 kwa mwezi, uzalishaji wa kampuni yangu unaongezeka mpaka kuwa kilo 1000 kwa mwezi, ufanisi unaongezeka kutokana na kupanuka kwa kiwanda na kutumia teknolojia mpya ambao inarahisisha uzalishaji wa ziada kwa muda mfupi.

    Kadri faida inavyoongezeka, mtaji wa kupanua shughuli za uzailshaji unaongezeka, wafanyakazi wanaongezewa mishahara na marupurupu, wanapewa vichocheo vya motisha ikiwa ni pamoja na nafasi za kielimu, na kwa ujumla kampuni inaongezeka kwa faida na kugawa asilimia 25 ya hisa kwa wafanyakazi ili nao wawe ni wamiliki wa kampuni na kushirikiana katika uzalishaji na pia katika mapato na uendeshaji wa kampuni ambayo sasa ni yetu.

    Je hapa kosa liko wapi la Mapunda kuwa mtu binafsi au kama unavyomuita Selfishness, ambaye kama mtu binafsi na mzalishaji katumia uhuru, kanuni, sheria na utu kuwa mzalishaji mkubwa ambaye si kuwa ametoa bidhaa za kulisha watu pekee, bali anachangia kwa ukubwa sehemu ya uchumi kwa kuanzia na kodi anayolipa, kununua mazao kutoka kwa wakulima, kuzalisha chakula bora na bidhaa kwa Watanzania na kutoa ujira na mshahara ambayo inawasaidia Watanzania wenzake kuneemeka?

    Unless Bwana Companero ulitaka nitoe mfano kama huu ndipo umuelewe Mchungaji na "kuzaliwa kwake upya" ambapo anaangalia ni namna gani Mtanzania anaweza kuwa mtu mwenye kujituma na kujizalishia na kujenga utajiri (wealth not richness) na kuifanya jamii iwe tajiri (wealthy not rich) kwa manufaa ya wote bila kulazimika kuburuzwa na Serikali?
     
  4. Mzee Mwanakijiji

    Mzee Mwanakijiji Platinum Member

    #4
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    Kuna tofauti yoyote kati ya "umimi" na "ubinafsi"?
     
  5. Companero

    Companero Platinum Member

    #5
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    Mchungaji,

    - Mapunda alikuwa anapata mshahara kiasi gani ukilinganisha na wenzake mpaka akaweza kupata akiba ya kuanzisha kiwanda?
    - Mabenki yalitumia vigezo gani halali na vya haki kumkopesha Mapunda badala ya Companero mtaji wa kujenga kiwanda chake?
    - Kupanuka kwa kiwanda cha Mapunda katika nyanja ya teknolojia ya uzalishaji rahisi kumezuia vipi punguzo la wafanyakazi wake?
    - Hisa za Kampuni ziliuzwa katika soko gani la hisa ambalo linajali tija ya mfanyakazi asiye na hisa kama hao wateule wachache?
    - Hawa kina Mapunda wenye kutumia utu, uhuru, uhalali wa sheria katika kuzalisha kwa ajili ya jamii katika dunia ya utandawazi?

    Je, Ubepari waweza kuwa na Sura ya Utu?
     
  6. Companero

    Companero Platinum Member

    #6
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    Umimi = Self-centeredness = Kutukuza nafsi yako tu

    Ubinafsi = Selfishness = Kujijali nafsi yako tu
     
  7. Companero

    Companero Platinum Member

    #7
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    Kuna tofauti gani kati ya mali (wealth) na utajiri (riches) na kati ya mwenye mali (wealthy) na mwenye utajiri (richness)? Je, wote wanazalisha mali/utajiri? Na, je, wanalimbikiza mali/utajiri? Au wanagawa mali/utajiri - kwa nani, kivipi na kwa minajili gani?
     
  8. Nyani Ngabu

    Nyani Ngabu Platinum Member

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    Mimi siyo Mchungaji lakini jibu la swali lako ni rahisi sana. Mshahara wa Mapunda siyo mkubwa sana kuliko wengine. Tofauti ya Mapunda na wengine ni kwamba, Mapunda ni mtu frugal na mwenye malengo. Moja ya malengo yake ni kuanzisha kiwanda. Hivyo huwezi kumkuta Mapunda kila jioni kwenye kilabu cha wanzuki. Hahongi hongi wanawake ovyo ovyo. Yeye si fashionista na hivyo mambo sijui ya bling bling, Armani suits, magari ya bei mbaya...hana. Ni mtu wa kawaida tu mwenye malengo makubwa na mwenye nidhamu ya hali ya juu.

    Sasa wewe Companero unataka kutuambia bwana Mapunda hawezi kupata akiba ya kutosha kusaidia kuanzisha kiwanda chake?

    Mabenki yalitumia vigezo vile vile ambavyo yanatumia kuwakopesha watu wote wanaokopesheka. Kwa mfano waliongalia akiba ya fedha taslimu alizonazo bwana Mapunda. Waliangalia amekaa muda gani kwenye kazi yake. Waliangalia uwiano kati ya madeni yake na kipato chake (debt to income ratio). Waliangalia kipato chake kulingana na kiasi cha fedha anachotaka kukopa (kwa mfano, wasingeweza kumpa mkopo wa shilingi milioni kumi wakati mshahara wake kwa mwaka ni shilingi laki moja - kwa kizungu wanaita insufficient income to the amount of loan requested). Waliangalia idadi ya madeni aliyonayo na historia yake ya kulipia hayo madeni.

    Sasa wewe Companero unadaiwa na Exim Bank. Una charge offs tatu. Huwa hulipii madeni yako kwa muda unaotakiwa. Halafu bado tu unataka Exim Bank wakukopeshe na wewe? Hiyo sahau...

    Hakika kupanuka kwa kiwanda hakujasababisha punguzo la wafanyakazi kwa sababu uzalishaji umeongezeka. Ongezeko la uzalishaji limesababisha kuwapo na hitaji la wafanyakazi zaidi kwa sababu sasa kiwanda kinafanya kazi masaa kumi na manane kwa siku badala ya masaa tisa tu. Wanahitajika watu wa kutosha kwenye shift zote hizo.

    Hisa ziliuzwa katika masoko ambayo karibu makampuni yote hutumia.


    Kwa nini usiwe na utu? Ubepari kuwa na utu au la ni uamuzi tu. Kama jamii mnaweza kuamua kuwa na aina yenu ya ubepari iwafaayo nyinyi. Hakuna kanuni wala misingi ya ubepari iliyoshushwa toka mbinguni. Yote imeundwa na mwanadamu na yote inaweza kuvunjwa ama kubadilishwa na mwanadamu.
     
  9. Companero

    Companero Platinum Member

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    Mdau unayedai kuwa ubepari unaweza kuwa na sura ya utu tafadhali naomba unieleze tofauti ya 'ubepari' na 'ubeberu'!

    Naendelea kusisitiza kuwa ni hatari tena ni hatari sana kudhani ubepari na ubeberu ni kama lila na fila visivyotangamana!
     
  10. Rev. Kishoka

    Rev. Kishoka JF-Expert Member

    #10
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    Companero,

    Hebu nionyeshe sehemu moja ya dunia hii ambayo Ujamaa au Ukomunisti hata kwa mkao wetu wa Kiazimio kuwa hapajawa na tabaka la kinyinyaji, kugandamizwa, uonevu, ufidhuli au tamaa! In short ni wapi pamefanyika UTU wa kweli kama unavyouliza?

    Anzia na Tanzania, kisha nenda China, Korea Kaskazini, Urusi, Cuba na kwingineko! hata kama utakimbilia Sweden na Norway.

    Nomba mifano kamili ambapo sera na itikadi na dola vilifanya kazi yake kwa ufanisi bila kuwepo kwa mgongano, hila au uonevu na jamii zote zimenawiri kwa Utu!
     
  11. Companero

    Companero Platinum Member

    #11
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    Mchungaji hivi hujui kuwa huko ulipo kuna itikadi ya dola na udola - dola ndiyo inapigana kibeberu huko iraki ili kuwe na mafuta kwa ajili ya mabepari na ubepari, dola ndio inakomboa mabenki na makampuni makubwa yaliyofilisika kwa sababu ya ubepari; na dola ndiyo inahakikisha kuwa inafidia wakulima na wafanyabiashara wake ili washindane kibepari katika soko la dunia ndio maana kamwe dola yao haikubali madai yenu dhidi ya WTO, GATT na AGOA!

    Kamwe huwezi kutenganisha dola na ubepari wala ubepari na ubeberu!
     
  12. Rev. Kishoka

    Rev. Kishoka JF-Expert Member

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    Companero

    Lakini mbona hujibu swali?
     
  13. Teamo

    Teamo JF-Expert Member

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    mtakuja kuchanganyikiwa na ma-filosofi yenu ya cu-n-paste!shauri zenu
     
  14. Companero

    Companero Platinum Member

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    Lipi? Tumeshasema Ujamaa haukutekelezwa - tuutekeleze tuone kama hautafanikiwa!
     
  15. Kikojozi

    Kikojozi JF-Expert Member

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    Once again, capitalism trumps socialism. Though neither system is perfect. Good work Reverend.
     
  16. Rev. Kishoka

    Rev. Kishoka JF-Expert Member

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    Ujamaa upi? Wa Karl Marx, Lenin, Mao, Hugo, Nyerere au Milambo?
     
  17. Companero

    Companero Platinum Member

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    Mchungaji Ujamaa sio Uleninisti wala UMarxisti na tena sio Ukomunisti - tatizo lenu mnadhani Usoshalisti wa Kiafrika ndio huohuo Usoshalisti wa Ulaya ya Mashariki!
     
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