Polisi wazuia mkutano wa CHADEMA Dodoma mjini....

Kuna mwenyekiti wa Chama fulani aliwahi kusema ni vyama vya msimu sasa hofu iko wapi jamani mbona wanaweweseka na kuzuia mikutano ?
 
wasubiri sarakambo ya wanafunzi wa UDOM ije, then tuone kama watakuwa na ubavu wa kuzuia pipoooz..
 
Mwita25 said:
Dodoma RPC is a longtime associate of JK and his transfer to Dodoma was purposely made in order to safeguard the interests of Magamba and thereby extend their domination in central zone.
Click to expand...

Mwita25 what happened to you? Are you ok?
 
mwenye taarifa atujuze kama viongozi wa chadema bado wanashikiliwa au walihojiwa na kuachiwa, pili naomba taarifa ni viongozi gani hao waliohojiwa?
Pia niseme tu polisi wamechemka sheria si msumeno hukata huku na huku sasa ccm Arusha wamefanya maandamano/mikutano bila ruhusa ya polisi lakini hawakuzuiliwa eweje jana wawazuie wanachadema? Hii double standard italeta machafuko!!!!! ninapenda kuona haki haitolewi kwa upendeleo.
 
Nimepata hii
Habel Chidawali,Dodoma
POLISI mkoani Dodoma wanawashikilia viongozi 11 wa Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendelo (Chadema) kwa tuhuma za kukiuka amri ya polisi iliyozuia kufanyika kwa mkutano wa hadhara.

Waliokamatwa ni pamoja na viongozi wa kitaifa wa chama hicho, akiwemo Mkurugenzi wa Opereshi , Benson Kigail na wenzake wa Mkoa na Wilaya ya Dodoma Mjini.Viongozi hao ni Enock Mhembano, Ahmed Sango, Magreth Ttadei, Kundi Yusufu, Alex Nikolaus na Katibu wa wilaya Jera Mambo.

Orodha hiyo pia inawajumuisha Katibu wa Mkoa Stephen Masawe, Edward Sango na Allid Zoya ambao Polisi walisema wanahitaji maelezo yao ili kujua sababu za kufanya mkutano licha ya kuzuiwa.

Chadema waliomba kibali cha kufanya mkutano huo jana katika Viwanja vya Barafu, lakini polisi walizuia bila ya kueleza ni lini mkutano utafanyika.

Oktoba 16 mwaka huu, uongozi wa Chadema katika Wilaya ya Dodoma uliindikia polisi, kuomba kufanyika kwa mkutano huo lakini jana polisi ilipeleka barua ya kuuzia, saa chache kabla ya kuanza.Hata hivyo viongozi hao walikusanyika katika uwanja huo, hatua iliyowalazimisha polisi kuwakamata na kuwashikilia.

Hali hiyo iliwalazimisha wanachama wa Chadema, kukusanyika katika kituo cha polisi wakitaka kujua sababu za kuzuiliwa wa mkutano huo.

Kitendo hicho kiliwalazimisha polisi kuimarisha ulinzi

“Sisi tulipeleka barua ya kuomba kibali cha kufanya mkutano wa hadhara katika eneo hilo na kila taratibu tulizifuata lakini cha ajabu leo (jana) saa 5:20 asubuhi tukapokea barua ya kuzuia mkutano saa chache kabla ya kuanza. Tunashangaa kweli,’’alisema Idd Kizota ambaye ni Katibu Vijana wa Wilaya.

Katibu huyo alisema lengo la mkutano huo lilikuwa ni kuhamasisha wananchi kujiunga na chama hicho na kuhimiza umuhimu wa kuimarisha matawi ya chama.Barua iliyoandikwa na polisi kuzuia mkutano huo, ilisema hatua hiyo imetokana na sababu za kiusalama na haikueleza ni lini utafanyika tena.

Mmoja wa viongozi wa polisi wilayani Dodoma ambaye hakupenda jina lakelitajwe kwa madai kuwa si msemaji, aliliambia gazeti hili kuwa Chama walifuata taratibu zote zilifuatwa, lakini hatua za kuuzuia mkutano huo zimetokana na habari za ndani kuhusu nia ya mkutano huo.

My take

kwanini wachelewe kujibu? huu sio mchezo mchafu? ​
 
CCM hii inasaidiwa na dola, inasaidiwa na rushwa, inasaidiwa na pilau ,tisheti, kanga , wakuu wa mikoa na wilaya lakini watu bado wanaikataa na wao bado wanajidanganya kwamba watazuia demokrasia kwa kuzuia haki ya msingi ya wananchi, wanajidanganya!
 
Polisi wa tz akili zao wameshikiwa na magamba, hawana uwezo wa kufikiri hata chembe mpaka watakapopata uhuru wa kufikiri wenyewe........ni watumwa wa mgamba hivo wanatumikia bwana zao
 
Mbona last time wachina waliandamana hawakuwakataza!
Hii nchi foreigners wana haki kuliko wazawa.
Alafu polisi si wanatakiwa toa ulinzi tuu na wala sio kibali cha kuandamana au kutoandamana kwa mujibuu wa katiba nadhani
We still have a long way to go!
 
MNAMBOWA said:
Hivi hakuna njia nyingine ya kudai haki mpaka Muandamane kwa kila jamboo? Cjaona chama chenye ulimbukeni katika dunia hii kama chadema maana kila kukicha ni maandamano tuu. Kumbukeni ipo cku nanyi mtakuwa madarakani hvy hii tabia mnayoipanda kwa wananchi itakuja iwaathiri na vijana ni maridadi kwa kukariri wajengeeni2 hayo mazingira ya kuandamana kwa kila jambo hata kama mambo mengine yananjia zingine za kudai, . huu ni wakati wa kujenga nchi tumeshachagua serikari na wawakilishi ambao ni wabunge wa ku2semea mpo kazi yenu ni nini? Maana mahakama zipo, police wapo pia , mbona mnataka kuhodhi mamlaka ya serikari na vyombo vyake? Acheni upuuzi msicheze na amani ye2 jamani wengine tumechuma kwa jasho na bidii zetu mnataka vurugu itokee tuwe maskini? Msitupelekepeleke2....
Click to expand...
Wewe ni lazima utakuwa NJAGO! ubongo umeshalambwa na ulimi wa magamba!
 
Montgomery Bus Boycott (1955-1956)

Sparked by the arrest of Rosa Parks on 1 December 1955, the Montgomery bus boycott
was a 13-month mass protest that ended with
the U.S. Supreme Court ruling that segregation on
public buses is unconstitutional. The Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) coordinated the boycott, and its president, Martin Luther King, Jr.,
became a prominent civil rights leader as
international attention focused on Montgomery.
The bus boycott demonstrated the potential for
nonviolent mass protest to successfully challenge
racial segregation and served as an example for other southern campaigns that followed. In Stride Toward Freedom, King’s 1958 memoir of the boycott, he declared the real meaning of the
Montgomery bus boycott to be the power of a
growing self-respect to animate the struggle for
civil rights. The roots of the bus boycott began years before
the arrest of Rosa Parks. The Womens’ Political Council (WPC), a group of black professionals founded in 1946, had already turned their
attention to Jim Crow practices on the
Montgomery city buses. In a meeting with Mayor
W. A. Gayle in March 1954, the council's members
outlined the changes they sought for
Montgomery’s bus system: no one standing over empty seats; a decree that black individuals not
be made to pay at the front of the bus and enter
from the rear; and a policy that would require
buses to stop at every corner in black residential
areas, as they did in white communities. When
the meeting failed to produce any meaningful change, WPC president Jo Ann Robinson reiterated the council’s requests in a 21 May letter
to Mayor Gayle, telling him, ‘‘there has been talk
from twenty-five or more local organizations of
planning a city-wide boycott of busses’’(‘‘A Letter
from the Women’s Political Council’’). A year after the WPC’s meeting with Mayor Gayle,
a 15-year-old named Claudette Colvin was
arrested for challenging segregation on a
Montgomery bus. Seven months later, 18-year-old
Mary Louise Smith was arrested for refusing to
yield her seat to a white passenger. Neither arrest, however, mobilized Montgomery’s black
community like that of Rosa Parks later that year. King recalled in his memoir that ‘‘Mrs. Parks was
ideal for the role assigned to her by history,’’ and
because ‘‘her character was impeccable and her
dedication deep-rooted’’ she was ‘‘one of the
most respected people in the Negro
community’’ (King, 44). Robinson and the WPC responded to Parks’ arrest by calling for a one-
day protest of the city’s buses on 5 December
1955. Robinson prepared a series of leaflets at
Alabama State College and organized groups to
distribute them throughout the black community.
Meanwhile, after securing bail for Parks with Clifford and Virginia Durr, E. D. Nixon, past leader of the Montgomery chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored
People (NAACP), began to call local black leaders, including Ralph Abernathy and King, to organize a planning meeting. On 2 December, black
ministers and leaders met at Dexter Avenue Baptist Church and agreed to publicize the 5 December boycott. The planned protest received
unexpected publicity in the weekend
newspapers and in radio and television reports. On 5 December, 90 percent of Montgomery’s
black citizens stayed off the buses. That
afternoon, the city’s ministers and leaders met to
discuss the possibility of extending the boycott
into a long-term campaign. During this meeting
the MIA was formed, and King was elected president. Parks recalled: ‘‘The advantage of
having Dr. King as president was that he was so
new to Montgomery and to civil rights work that
he hadn’t been there long enough to make any
strong friends or enemies’’ (Parks, 136). That evening, at a mass meeting at Holt Street Baptist Church, the MIA voted to continue the boycott. King spoke to several thousand people
at the meeting: ‘‘I want it to be known that we’re
going to work with grim and bold determination
to gain justice on the buses in this city. And we
are not wrong.… If we are wrong, the Supreme
Court of this nation is wrong. If we are wrong, the Constitution of the United States is wrong. If
we are wrong, God Almighty is wrong’’ (Papers
3:73). After unsuccessful talks with city
commissioners and bus company officials, on 8
December the MIA issued a formal list of
demands: courteous treatment by bus operators; first-come, first-served seating for all, with blacks
seating from the rear and whites from the front;
and black bus operators on predominately black
routes. The demands were not met, and Montgomery’s
black residents stayed off the buses through
1956, despite efforts by city officials and white
citizens to defeat the boycott. After the city
began to penalize black taxi drivers for aiding the
boycotters, the MIA organized a carpool. Following the advice of T. J. Jemison, who had organized a carpool during a 1953 bus boycott in
Baton Rouge, the MIA developed an intricate
carpool system of about 300 cars. Robert Hughes and others from the Alabama Council for Human
Relations organized meetings between the MIA
and city officials, but no agreements were
reached. In early 1956, the homes of King and E. D. Nixon
were bombed. King was able to calm the crowd
that gathered at his home by declaring: ‘‘Be calm
as I and my family are. We are not hurt and
remember that if anything happens to me, there
will be others to take my place’’ (Papers 3:115). City officials obtained injunctions against the
boycott in February 1956, and indicted over 80
boycott leaders under a 1921 law prohibiting
conspiracies that interfered with lawful business.
King was tried and convicted on the charge and
ordered to pay $500 or serve 386 days in jail in the case State of Alabama v. Martin Luther King , Jr. Despite this resistance, the boycott continued. Although most of the publicity about the protest
was centered on the actions of black ministers,
women played crucial roles in the success of the
boycott. Women such as Robinson, Johnnie Carr, and Irene West sustained the MIA committees and volunteer networks. Mary Fair Burks of the
WPC also attributed the success of the boycott to
‘‘the nameless cooks and maids who walked
endless miles for a year to bring about the breach
in the walls of segregation’’ (Burks, ‘‘Trailblazers,’’
82). In his memoir, King quotes an elderly woman who proclaimed that she had joined the boycott
not for her own benefit but for the good of her
children and grandchildren (King, 78). National coverage of the boycott and King’s trial
resulted in support from people outside
Montgomery. In early 1956 veteran pacifists Bayard Rustin and Glenn E. Smiley visited Montgomery and offered King advice on the
application of Gandhian techniques and nonviolence to American race relations. Rustin, Ella Baker, and Stanley Levison founded In Friendship to raise funds in the North for southern civil rights efforts, including the bus
boycott. King absorbed ideas from these
proponents of nonviolent direct action and
crafted his own syntheses of Gandhian principles
of nonviolence. He said: ‘‘Christ showed us the
way, and Gandhi in India showed it could work’’ (Rowland, ‘‘2,500 Here Hail’’). Other
followers of Gandhian ideas such as Richard Gregg, William Stuart Nelson, and Homer Jack wrote the MIA offering support. On 5 June 1956, the federal district court ruled in Browder v. Gayle that bus segregation was unconstitutional, and in November 1956 the U.S.
Supreme Court affirmed Browder v. Gayle and
struck down laws requiring segregated seating
on public buses. The court’s decision came the
same day that King and the MIA were in circuit
court challenging an injunction against the MIA carpools. Resolved not to end the boycott until
the order to desegregate the buses actually
arrived in Montgomery, the MIA operated
without the carpool system for a month. The
Supreme Court upheld the lower court’s ruling,
and on 20 December 1956 King called for the end of the boycott; the community agreed. The next
morning, he boarded an integrated bus with
Ralph Abernathy, E. D. Nixon, and Glenn Smiley.
King said of the bus boycott: ‘‘We came to see
that, in the long run, it is more honorable to walk
in dignity than ride in humiliation. So … we decided to substitute tired feet for tired souls, and
walk the streets of Montgomery’’ (Papers 3:486).
King’s role in the bus boycott garnered
international attention, and the MIA’s tactics of
combining mass nonviolent protest with
Christian ethics became the model for challenging segregation in the South.

Wanaobeza maandamano wajifunze hapo juu.
 
Tommorow is just coming. Few hrs later it is. My proclamation to all right-thirsted beings is that 'tommorow is near'. Lets start shouting as ISRAELITES did to Jericho because our Almight has put our enemy magamba under our feet.
All freedomfighter from and outside Tanzania, all development seekers and democracy-followers, stand firmly now as it is the death-battle to win TRUE INDEPENDENCE.
Shout to the Lord now, sing to Him and give Him praise and GLORY. Amen
 
MNAMBOWA said:
Hivi hakuna njia nyingine ya kudai haki mpaka Muandamane kwa kila jamboo? Cjaona chama chenye ulimbukeni katika dunia hii kama chadema maana kila kukicha ni maandamano tuu. Kumbukeni ipo cku nanyi mtakuwa madarakani hvy hii tabia mnayoipanda kwa wananchi itakuja iwaathiri na vijana ni maridadi kwa kukariri wajengeeni2 hayo mazingira ya kuandamana kwa kila jambo hata kama mambo mengine yananjia zingine za kudai, . huu ni wakati wa kujenga nchi tumeshachagua serikari na wawakilishi ambao ni wabunge wa ku2semea mpo kazi yenu ni nini? Maana mahakama zipo, police wapo pia , mbona mnataka kuhodhi mamlaka ya serikari na vyombo vyake? Acheni upuuzi msicheze na amani ye2 jamani wengine tumechuma kwa jasho na bidii zetu mnataka vurugu itokee tuwe maskini? Msitupelekepeleke2....
Click to expand...

Ni tumbo la kuhara au ni some tex..t missing in y'ou brain!!!?
 
Akuna chama kilichokuwa juu ya sheria, kama amjapewa kibali basi acheni kufanya mkutano, mimi naamini polisi wanafanya kazi zao kwa mujibu wa sheria isipokuwa sisi raia wakati mwingine tunawachokoza kwa kuvunj sheria na knuni ili tuwajaribu kama wanaweza kutukabili, mimi nwashauri wa tz wenzangu tuzisome sheria zetu ili tuzifahamu na sio kuwasubilia wanasiasa watusomee na watutafasilie kwa manufaa ya yao, nadhani mfano kwa wale ambao awajawai kukutna na mikiki ya poilisi tuliona pale arusha, wale wanasiasa walio washawishi akuna hata mmoja alie jeruiwa. Mi nawaambia wa tz sote tunataka mageuzi lakini sio aya ya vurugu yanayoletwa na chadema, mi natoa maombi kwa askari wetu ambao tunawategemea watulinde sisi wapenda amani kama chadema wanaleta vurugu na wanakiuka sheria basi washughulikiwe kwa mujibu wa sheria
 
Kuna haja ya kuweka orodha ya wale wote wanaotumia madaraka yao vibaya dhidi ya haki za wananchi. Ni vizuri kuwe na orodha ya wakuu wa wilaya, mikoa, polisi na wengineo wote wanaopindisha sheria ili kuwalinda mafisadi na ufisadi. Wakati ukifika watatakiwa kulipa gharama ya matendo yao ya sasa.
 
Mwita25 said:
Dodoma RPC is a longtime associate of JK and his transfer to Dodoma was purposely made in order to safeguard the interests of Magamba and thereby extend their domination in central zone.
Click to expand...

Are u the usual Mwita25? I've seen some posts u made of late and can't come to terms with them if they're from u. Plz if can bother to tell me and other JF esteemed members something about your seemingly change.
 
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