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Pande zote za shilingi kuhusu Nyerere, kitendawili kigumu

Discussion in 'Jukwaa la Historia' started by Bahati Mkwajungoma, Oct 18, 2012.

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    Bahati Mkwajungoma New Member

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    Oct 18, 2012
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    Mwandishi Wetu|RAIA MWEMA,Toleo la 263 |17 Oct 2012

    WATAFITI wengi wamejaribu kuelezea kwa kina Julius Nyerere alikuwa binadamu wa aina gani, lakini baadhi yao wanaamini alikuwa ni mtu ambaye ni vigumu kumuelezea kinagaubaga taswira yake na mwenendo wake mzima kwa ujumla. Katika makala hii tutajaribu kumchambua angalau tupate ufunuo kuhusu hilo. Katika zama zake kileleni Mwalimu, kama wafuasi wake walivyopenda kumwita, msomi huyu mahiri wa Afrika, alinyenyekewa mno kwa heshima na Watanzania wengi huku wengi pia wakimnanga kwa staili ya utawala wake ambao ulikuwa wa kibabe na wenye harufu za kidikteta. Wengine walimpa jina ‘dikteta mrahimu'.

    Ukweli ni kuwa Watanzania mara kwa mara wamekuwa wakishindwa kutafsiri yale ambayo Mwalimu aliyasimamia, misimamo yake ya sera zenye misingi ya utu wa binadamu na azma zake za kifilosofia. Kuyajadili mafanikio yake na vilevile makosa yake. Tumeshindwa kumsoma bila ya ushabiki, sijui ni kwa sababu za uvivu au ni woga. Kwa hakika, kwa yeyote atakaye kupanda ngazi ama ya kijamii au ya kisiasa, basi busara ya kawaida tu itamlazimu akwepe kutaja makosa ya Nyerere hata kama yanafahamika kwa wote. Hii imekuwa kama hulka ya Kitanzania.

    Nyerere hayuko nasi leo na hii ni sababu nzuri ya kutaka kukumbuka kuwa hapo zamani alipata kuwapo mwanasiasa aliyeongoza harakati za kutafuta uhuru wa nchi hii; akabahatika kuaminiwa na watu wake; akajaribu kufanya yale aliyoamini kuwa ni ya manufaa kwa nchi yake; akalazimisha majaribio tata ya fikra na sera zake kwa wananchi wake aliowapumbaza, kwa muda wa miongo miwili na nusu na tofauti na watawala wengine wa Kiafrika, hakustaafu kwa kupinduliwa. Lakini mwishowe, kwa msaada wa masharti magumu ya kiuchumi ya Benki ya Dunia (Bretton Wood Institutions) aliachia ngazi, mwaka 1985.

    Hivi Nyerere alikuwa ni nani? Je, alikuwa ni mwana wa chifu mmoja asiyejulikana kutoka madongokuinama aliyeamua kuishi maisha ya mtu wa kawaida? Je, alikuwa mkristo mzuri aliyevaa baraghashia ya kiislamu kama vazi lake la kawaida tu? Au, ni mwalimu msomi aliyeacha kufundisha ili ajiunge na siasa? Au, ‘Mkomunisti' aendaye kanisani kila leo na kupata sakramenti? Ama kiongozi aliyejizatiti kuwafikiria wananchi wake na ukombozi wa Afrika tu? Yawezekana alikuwa muunganishaji aliyetuachia Muungano wenye nyufa tele? Au alikuwa mmajumui wa Afrika aliyekataa katakata kuanzishwa kwa Serikali moja ya Bara la Afrika. Haswa, huyu Nyerere alikuwa mtu wa aina gani?

    Mwalimu alikuwa mtu mwenye familia njema na alijaaliwa watoto kadhaa. Ukweli sote tunaujua kuwa, familia yake iliishi maisha ya kawaida bila ya kuonyesha kiburi, fahari au kuwanyanyasa watu wa kawaida. Ukitambua namna Mwalimu akiogopwa, hata mara moja hakufikiria wala kujaribu kuendeleza ‘ufalme' kwa kumtayarisha mwanae au nduguye amrithi. Pengine angetaka, asingekuwapo wa kupinga! Lakini alipinga mchezo huo wa ‘ndugunaizesheni'. Na kwa hilo anastahili heko. Hata hivyo, Mwalimu aliweza kufanya mengi ambayo hakuna aliyediriki kumzuia. Alifuta mfumo wa uchifu, alifuta serikali za mitaa, ushirika, vyama vya wafanyakazi na hata vyama vya siasa vya upinzani. Alitaifisha mali binafsi za watu, shule, hospitali na kila kilichomkalia sawa. Aliendesha uanzishwaji wa vijiji vya Ujamaa bila ya mpangilio wala ubinadamu, alisweka ndani wapinzani wake, alitekeleza sheria kadhaa kandamizi na kupiga marufuku maandamano na migomo. Sote tunakumbuka zama zile mambo haya yalikuwa ya kawaida kabisa. Mwalimu alifanya atakavyo na hakuna aliyesema fyoko!

    Hadharani, Nyerere alijitahidi kuwaunganisha Watanzania kwa dhati kabisa. Watanzania kwa wakati ule walikuwa wachache mno kulinganisha na ukubwa wa nchi. Msimamo wake huu wa umoja ulijidhihirisha zaidi kwa namna alivyokuwa akiulinda na kuutetea Muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar. Muungano ambao uliundwa chapchap, kwa kufumba na kufumbua macho na ukawa, kufuatia mapinduzi yaliyoendeshwa na genge dogo la watu pasipo na silaha za moto wala mafunzo ya kijeshi kumpindua Sultan Jamshid.
    Miongo mitano imepita sasa na baada ya nyaraka za siri za Serikali ya Marekani kuwekwa bayana, wachambuzi wamekuwa wakihoji sababu za kweli ambazo ndizo chanzo cha Muungano huo kuundwa.

    Pamoja na nia njema ya Nyerere, ukweli ni kuwa Muungano huo uliasisiwa na Serikali za Marekani na Uingereza kwa nia ya kuzuia uwezekano wowote wa ‘wakomunisti' kuteka mapinduzi ya Zanzibar. Hili lingewezekana kwa sababu Serikali ya ASP ilikuwa dhaifu mno na Abdulrahman Babu, kiongozi wa Umma Party na mkomunisti aliyekubuhu, aliwanyima raha Wamarekani, Waingereza na Nyerere. Kwa hiyo, Nyerere akalazimishwa na Wamarekani na Waingereza kupeleka askari kanzu 300 wa Tanganyika kwenda Zanzibar ili wamlinde Karume na Serikali yake, hii ikasaidia muda mfupi baadaye kumtisha Karume akubali haraka kutia sahihi mkataba wa Muungano.

    Lakini ni vyema pia kukumbuka kuwa Nyerere mwenyewe alikumbana na zahma adhimu kama miezi miwili kabla Dar es Salaam kutokana na uasi wa kijeshi na yeye kuingia mafichoni kwa siku kadhaa. Akawaomba Waingereza wakaleta manowari na majeshi na kufanikiwa kumrejesha madarakani. Kwa Mwalimu, tukio la yeye kuwaomba wakoloni msaada lilimuaibisha bila kifani. Kwa hiyo haikuwa vigumu ‘kumminya' Nyerere ili afanye kazi yao ya ‘Muungano' baada ya yeye kufaidi fadhila za Waingereza. Waswahili wana msemo, ‘Fadhila huzaa fadhila'. Hata hivyo, Mwalimu katika miaka yote hii, amekuwa akijitetea kuwa Muungano umesababishwa na sababu za udugu baina ya nchi hizi mbili na kuwa hii ni hatua ya mwanzo ya kufikia ‘Muungano wa Afrika' nzima.

    Watanzania wanakumbuka fika kuwa kabla na baada tu ya Uhuru wa Tanganyika, taasisi zetu kama vile kampuni za reli, simu, posta, Idara ya Ujenzi na nyinginezo ziliweza kutekeleza majukumu yake kwa ufanisi mkubwa. Mathalan, reli waliweza kuendesha ratiba ya kuaminika ya safari za treni bila ya hitilafu. Barabara ya Dar es Salaam sehemu za Magomeni, Ilala, Kinondoni na Temeke zilikuwa ni za lami. Wazee wetu wanafahamu, hizo ndizo siku za kuzikumbuka kwa tabasamu.

    Ilipofika mwaka 1975, miundombinu takriban yote ilikuwa nyang'anyang'a. Hali ilifikia pabaya. Nchi ilikuwa inaporomoka vibaya chini ya usimamizi wa Nyerere. Taratibu za kiutawala za Serikali Kuu zilidorora na nidhamu ilishuka vibaya. Miaka ya mwanzo ya themanini mashirika ya umma karibuni 400, karibuni yote mali ya watu binafsi iliyotaifishwa, yalikuwa yanakaribia kufilisika kutokana na ubadhirifu na wizi usiomithilika. Kwa Nyerere, ilikuwa dhahiri kuwa ‘majaribio' yake yalikuwa yamefeli ile mbaya.

    Utaifishaji wa mali za watu binafsi uliofuatia Azimio la Arusha mwaka 1967 uliendeshwa vibaya kiasi cha kufikia hatua hata ya kutaifisha vijiduka vidogo vya rejareja vijijini kutoka kwa watu binafsi. Lakini Nyerere hakusita na zoezi liliendelea. Katika miaka ya kati ya sabini, Ujamaa ulikuwa unafaidi ruzuku na misaada mingi kutoka nchi za Scandinavia na China na ndiyo maana Mwalimu aliweza kuwapa wananchi wake elimu bure, huduma za afya bure na vingine vingi. Watanzania wakalemaa. Mwalimu naye akawa shujaa kwa watu wake angalau kwa muda mfupi. Haikupita muda Shirikisho la Afrika Mashariki likavunjika mwaka 1977 na kuathiri uchumi kwa kiasi kikubwa.

    Punde si punde, Vita ya Kagera nayo ikaleta maafa makubwa kwa uchumi wa taifa. Ugumu wa maisha ukakaba taifa. Wachunguzi hata hivyo wanahoji sasa hivi kwa nini Mwalimu hakujaribu kutatua mgogoro ule kwa mazungumzo? Hivi kweli ilikuwa lazima tupigane vita wakati Umoja wa Afrika (OAU) ulikuwa ukijaribu kusuluhisha? Hivi inawezekana, Mwalimu angetangaza vita kumng'oa Idi Amin kama sahibu wake wa karibu Milton Obote asingekuwa anapanga kunyakua madaraka nchini Uganda? Obote aliweka kambi za kijeshi hapa nchini kwa miaka mingi.

    Hatimaye Obote alifanikiwa kurudi madarakani angalau kwa muda mfupi na kupinduliwa tena kwa sababu ya ubadhirifu mkubwa wa mali za umma na kurudi uhamishoni Zambia mpaka alipokufa miaka michache iliyopita. Vyovyote utakavyoangalia, leo hii bado nchi hii inajaribu kujiponya kutokana na athari za kiuchumi ambazo vita ile ilitusababishia. Urafiki wa Nyerere na Obote uligeuka tatizo letu la kitaifa.

    Ilipofika hapo, uchumi ukiyumba na sera yake ya Ujamaa ikiwa inayoyoma, Nyerere sasa akawa amefikia ukomo wa safari yake. Amekwama! Manyang'au wa Benki ya Dunia na mafisi wa IMF wakafurahia kutokana na uhaba mkubwa wa chakula nchini. Wakasema, sasa umefikia wakati wa kumkomesha Nyerere kisawasawa. Naam, wakafanya ilivyotarajiwa, wakamwekea Mwalimu masharti magumu ya mikopo ya kunusuru uchumi wa nchi yake.

    Kama mbinu ya kuwaliwaza wananchi wake Mwalimu akamruhusu Waziri Mkuu wake, Edward Sokoine (sasa marehemu) awashughulikie ‘wahujumu uchumi'. Akataifisha mali na kuwafunga matajiri. Akaanzisha Mahakama zisizo na uhalali wowote kuwahukumu. Mfano, mtu mmoja alifungwa miaka kadhaa kwa kuwa na televisheni. Na mwingine alienda jela kwa kuwa na kopo la dawa za tetracycline. Chini ya usimamizi wa Mwalimu, maafa makubwa yaliwapata wananchi wa kawaida na wakati mwingine yalisababisha vifo.
    Kampeni hii ya uhujumu uchumi ya mwaka 1983 ilifananishwa na ujio mpya wa Azimio la Arusha la mwaka 1967. Utaifishaji huu holela uliojaa dhuluma ulithibitisha kuwa sera za Mwalimu zimeshindwa katika kuitawala nchi kwa ufanisi. Ukweli huu ulijidhihirisha zaidi katika siku zake za mwisho kabla ya kung'atuka. Ili kunusuru uchumi ilibidi akubali kushusha thamani ya sarafu ya nchi kutokana na masharti ya IMF.

    Kung'atuka kwa Mwalimu ikawa ni suala la muda tu. Ilipofika mwaka 1985, aling'atuka huku akiiacha nchi kwenye uchumi mbaya kuliko wakati wowote katika historia ya nchi hii. Hata hivyo, harakati kubwa zikafanywa na propaganda za kisiasa zikatekelezwa ili kumpa kisingizio cha muonekano kuwa, Mwalimu aliamua kustaafu urais kwa hiari yake. Katika historia, ni vyema tukakumbuka, moja ya nyakati ambazo Nyerere alijikwaa na kuvurunda ilikuwa pale alipounga mkono kujitenga kwa Jimbo la Biafra kule nchini Nigeria. Hiyo ikiwa kinyume kabisa na maazimio ya Umoja wa Afrika ambayo Nyerere aliiasisi. Aliivalia njuga kampeni hii hadi kukusanya michango na misaada isiyo ya hiari nchi nzima, na kuipeleka Biafra. Ilishangaza wengi duniani kuwa Nyerere alikuwa anashadidia kuvunjika kwa taifa huru la Nigeria.

    Siri ilikuja kufichuka baadaye ilipothibitika kuwa kumbe mpango mzima ulikuwa ni hila tu za Kanisa Katoliki zikisimamiwa na Nyerere, Houphouet Boigny wa Ivory Coast na Rais Eyadema wa Togo. Hiyo ilishusha kwa kiasi heshima na uadilifu wa Nyerere miongoni mwa Waafrika na vita hiyo ya Biafra ikisababisha vifo visivyo na lazima, takriban milioni moja na maafa makubwa. Kwa bahati, Nigeria kama nchi ikasalimika.

    Pamoja na mikenge yote hiyo, Mwalimu alisifika kwa msimamo wake, hususan katika mambo ambayo aliyaamini. Alikuwa hatetereki asilani. Alipiga vita ukabila kwa kuwastaafisha machifu wote nchi nzima baada tu ya Uhuru. Alifanya juhudi za makusudi kuimarisha na kuirasimisha Lugha ya Kiswahili. Aligundua baadaye umuhimu wa lugha hii kama nyenzo ya kuimarisha utawala wake. Alipiga vita rushwa na ufisadi bila ya kuchoka. Alitetea wanyonge mpaka mauti yalipomkuta na hakusita kuwabamiza wale wote walionadi sera za kibaguzi. Na baada ya kustaafu, aligeuka mkosoaji mkubwa wa serikali hadi kuchukiwa kwa uchokonozi wake dhidi ya matumizi mabaya ya madaraka.

    Kiukweli kabisa, Mwalimu alikuwa na umahiri mkubwa kama mzungumzaji na ufasaha wake wa lugha ulimbeba. Angeweza kusema chochote wakati wowote. Na wasikilizaji wakasikiliza na kumwelewa. Ni kipaji tu. Alipokuwa akizungumza wasiompenda walikuwa wanaungua kwa ghadhabu, na alipoamua kujibu mapigo ya mahasimu wake ilikuwa ni balaa, watu waliingia mitini. Cha kushangaza zaidi ni kuwa Kiswahili na Kiingereza ni lugha mbili alizozimudu kwa kina lakini zote hizo hazikuwa lugha mama kwake. Alijifunzia ukubwani kwa kujizatiti sana.

    Lakini Mwalimu alitambulika kwa tabia yake ya uropozi. Alikuwa hamkopeshi mtu na kwa hiyo tabia yake ilikuwa ni neno kwa neno. Kuna wakati mmoja alikorofishana na Margaret Thatcher, Waziri Mkuu wa Uingereza aliyepita na kumbwatukia ‘Bi Thacher anafanya uhuni na heshima ya taifa lake' au pale alipomnanga Idi Amin na kumuelezea kuwa ‘… Amin ana kichaa kilichosababishwa na kaswende'. Ni kutokana na hulka hii basi haikushangaza kumsikia Ian Smith, Waziri Mkuu dhalimu wa Rhodesia akimwita Mwalimu ‘ibilisi mbunifu'.

    Mwalimu, katika uhai wake ameandika vitabu vingi na tenzi na mashairi pia. Hata hivyo, aligoma kabisa kuandika kitabu kuhusu maisha yake yeye mwenyewe. Watu kadhaa wa karibu kwake walimsihi sana lakini wapi. Ni ngumu kuelewa kwa nini basi, Mwalimu ambaye alisikiliza sana dhamira yake katika kila jambo alilotenda lakini kinyume chake aliishi maisha yake yote huku akiwaza namna historia itakavyomkaanga hapo baadaye.

    Kisiasa, Mwalimu ametuachia CCM iliyojaa wafuasi maamuma na mbumbumbu wakiongozwa na genge dogo la watu wenye uchu wa madaraka wanaopenda kujilimbikizia mali. Wazoefu wa kuimba nyimbo za kusifiana kwa vigelegele na makofi mengi. Chaguzi za Chama cha Mapinduzi zimegeuka gulio la kuuza na kununua kura mchana kweupe. Na hao wanaojinasibu kuwa ni wafuasi wa Nyerere hutumia nukuu zake na wosia wake pale tu wanapokuwa na maslahi binafsi. Hawa hawakujifunza kitu kutoka kwa Mwalimu.
    Hivi sasa kuna fukuto la mvutano wa kidini nchini. Waislamu wanalalama kuwa kwa makusudi Mwalimu alitumia urais wake kunufaisha ukristo na wakristo katika teuzi za uongozi, nafasi za masomo na ugawaji wa keki ya taifa. Mwalimu katuachia tatizo hili na sasa linatishia utaifa wetu.

    Na hivi tunavyoadhimisha miaka 13 ya kifo chake, mtu huyu ambaye alionekana kama vile anapiga vita udini, Kanisa Katoliki liko mbioni kumtakasa na kumtawaza kuwa ni ‘mtakatifu'. Hatua hii imezaa utata na maswali mengi. Watu wanauliza je, Kanisa lina ajenda gani? Nimalize kwa kuangalia utawala wa takriban robo karne Mwalimu akiwa kiongozi wa nchi hii. Mwishoni, Mwalimu alishitushwa sana na namna mambo yalivyokwenda segemnege, hakutarajia kuwa Watanzania wale ambao alidhani wamemuelewa kumbe walimpuuza. Walimsikia lakini hawakumsikiliza. Aliangalia nyuma na kutazama uharibifu aliouacha na mambo yote yalivyoparaganyika. Alisononeka mno.
    Mwisho wa siku Mwalimu hakuwa na marafiki wa kweli, familia yake iliathirika kutokana na kukosa malezi yake, umasikini nchini bado umetamalaki, ujinga nao umejikita, huduma za afya zimedorora na hazitoshelezi, Muungano unayumba na rushwa na ufisadi vimeshamiri kila sekta. Kama vile madhila hayo hayatoshi, CCM ilitupilia mbali zile tunu mbili za Nyerere, yaani siasa ya Ujamaa na Azimio la Arusha. Kwa Nyerere huo ulikuwa mithili ya uhaini, aliiona CCM ikimsaliti angali hai.

    Kwa vile kila alichosimamia Nyerere hakikusimama badala yake kiliporomoka, Mwalimu alikufa akiwa na usongo mkubwa moyoni, Mwalimu aliaga dunia huku akisononeka kutokana na kuangushwa na watu waliomzunguka. Nyerere alikuwapo na daima hakutokuwa na Nyerere mwingine. Ni dhahiri, Nyerere alikuwa ni kitendawili.

    Raia Mwema - Pande zote za shilingi kuhusu Nyerere, kitendawili kigumu
     
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    Bahati Mkwajungoma New Member

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    Oct 18, 2012
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    Julius Nyerere, the man and the myth|The Citizen on Sunday, Issue No. 416

    Summary:
    He was a brilliant and charismatic orator. Every time he spoke, his adversaries trembled in indignation. And when he took a swipe at his detractors, it was devastating. Being anglophile, he had incredible mastery of both Swahili and English. By Sarwed Dawalo Many believe that Julius Kambarage Nyerere was a complex phenomenon, so much so that it has proved pretty difficult to compile an accurate account on the man. In his heyday, this intellectual son of Africa was revered by many a Tanzanian and equally loathed by those who thought his iron fist style of rule was outright dictatorial. Some called him a "benevolent dictator". Truth be told,

    Tanzanians often misrepresent Nyerere's personality, his ubuntu and hisphilosophical mission. They often take him for granted. They have developed a form of laziness (or is it fear?) to discuss Nyerere objectively. In fact, it requires loads of courage to simply mention the obvious. If you aspire to scale the social or political ladder, for example, prudence requires that you avoid mentioning Nyerere's failures even if those facts are public knowledge. Sadly, this has almost become a national character. Let's take a walk down memory lane. Once upon a time, there was a politician who led Tanganyika's freedom struggle. He luckily gained the trust of his people as their leader and tried to formulate what he thought was best for his country. He experimented with his ideas on his docile citizens for two and a half decades.

    Unlike most African dictators of his era, he was not retired via a coup. Ultimately, with a little help (read push) from sanctions set by the Bretton Woods institutions, he finally stepped down from power in 1985. Who was Nyerere? Was he just the son of a nondescript chief in some far flung locale, who opted to lead a simple and ordinary life? A devout Christian who liked to don a Muslim cap? A graduate teacher who quit his profession to lead a political party? An altruistic President who thought of nothing except his people and the liberation of Africa? A communist (sic) who regularly attended church service and even partook in the Holy Communion? A unifier who left behind a fragile union government? A pan-African who opposed a continental government? Who exactly was this Nyerere? He was, to a large extent, a happily married man endowed with several children. It is on record that none took undue advantage of Dad's presidency nor bothered fellow Tanzanians.

    The first family led a simple, moderate and quiet life. Considering his absolute powers, Mwalimu was never tempted to create a dynasty, even though he might have got a way with even if he did. Truly, nepotism was unacceptable to Nyerere. On this, hats off to him. Don't you dare raise an accusing finger against Nyerere for abolishing chiefdoms, the local government system, trade unions, co-operatives, or competitive politics! Don't even think of the times he nationalised private property, schools, hospitals and virtually everything else. How about the dogmatic approach to his villagisation programme? Or the times when he arbitrarily enforced repressive laws, detained opponents and outlawed strikes and demos.

    That was the order of the day then. He had his way and got away with it. In public, Nyerere tried his level best to unify Tanzania, a large country with a relatively small population. National unity is the number one legacy he will be remembered for. This is epitomised by his unwavering stance on the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union, which was hastily put together in 1964 following a coup by a ragtag army to oust the Sultan in Zanzibar. Five decades later, thanks to sensitive declassified files in the US, analysts have questioned the reasons behind the making of the Union. Nyerere's good intentions notwithstanding, the Union was actually an Anglo-American move to pre-empt a communist takeover in the islands. Nyerere was blackmailed into playing ball after having been rescued from an army mutiny a couple of months earlier.

    As expected, the British sent in the gunboats. Over the years, Nyerere persistently argued that the Union was the result of brotherly relations between the two states and this was just the first step towards achieving a united Africa. Cynics argue that in pre-and-post uhuru Tanganyika,institutions and services such as the central railway line used to run regular schedules and were maintained regularly. Roads were also well maintained by the PWD (Punda Wengi Duniani?). In cities like Dar-es-Salaam, most roads in Magomeni, Ilala, Kinondoni and Temeke were tarmacked. By 1975, all the railway and road networks had collapsed. The entire infrastructure collapsed in Nyerere's very hands. The central administration was also crumbling and discipline reached an appalling level. By the early eighties, the 400-plus parastatals, were running bankrupt from massive thievery. Evidently, the experiment was failing. To his chagrin, this string of failures resulted in an outcry from the citizenry that the colonial times seemed better. Nyerere was enraged. In the wake of the 1967 Arusha Declaration, haphazard nationalisation of private property ensued. We stooped so low as taking over small village shops. But Nyerere pressed on.

    In the seventies, the Ujamaa experiment was enjoying a good level of buoyancy, backed by the Scandinavian governments and China. Huge grants catered for free education and free health care. The euphoria was short lived. Just when Nyerere seemed to be basking in success and having a good laugh at the expense of the Americans and the British, the East African Community broke up in 1977. The Kagera War to liberate Uganda from Idi Amin was the proverbial "last straw" as far as the national economy was concerned. This extravagant expedition forced Tanzania to live beyond its means. Analysts now question Nyerere's haste to opt for war. The big question is: Would Nyerere have declared war on Amin had exiled former President Milton Obote, his close ally and friend, not been planning a comeback? In the aftermath, Obote briefly regained his presidency before another coup sent him into exile again.

    Tanzania is still recovering from that excursion. With a withering economy on the one hand and a dead socialist policy on the other, Nyerere had now reached the end of the road. The World Bank happily pounced on him while the IMF was sharpening its claws. Food shortages became the norm. In his last attempts to win public understanding, he let loose his Premier, the late Edward Sokoine, who went on to grab private property and jailed the unfortunate rich. Kangaroo courts were established across the country. In a classic case, a man was jailed for owning a TV set. Another went in for having a bottle of antibiotics. Worse things happened around the country, in some cases resulting in the loss of life!

    This 1983 economic crackdown was clearly the Arusha Declaration's second coming. It was another poor performance by Nyerere in his last days in office. Several currency devaluations later, Nyerere had to go in 1985, leaving the economy in dire straits. Lots of propaganda and political spin went into making it look like Mwalimu had voluntarily left office. One of Nyerere's lowest moments was in the late sixties, when he supported the Biafra secession attempt in Nigeria against all OAU tenets. Contributions were locally extorted and sent to Biafra. Incredibly, Nyerere was actually participating in and promoting the breaking-up of an independent African state. Later, historians came out with a revealing theory-that the Biafra fiasco was simply a Catholic conspiracy spearheaded by Nyerere, Cote d'Ivoire's Houphouet Boigny and Gnassingbe Eyadema of Togo. His esteem in Africa took a drastic plunge as close to a million people lost their lives in the Biafra War.

    This notwithstanding, Nyerere was known for his consistency on matters he believed in. He embarked on the war against tribalism by retiring all the tribal chiefs countrywide. He promoted the Swahili language as a national asset and used it to consolidate his grip on power. He castigated corruption vehemently and never stopped. He championed justice for all and sundry and spewed venom on those who advocated racial discrimination. After leaving office, he became a critic and anti-establishment proponent, much to the discomfort of those in power. The rulers then saw him as a spoilsport. The man was a brilliant and charismatic orator.He had a way with words. Every time he spoke, his adversaries trembled in indignation. And when he took a swipe at his detractors, it was devastating. Being anglophile, he had incredible mastery of both Swahili and English. He once accused British PM Margaret Thatcher of "prostituting British honour" and called Idi Amin Dada "that syphilitic lunatic". I

    t was hardly surprising when Rhodesian ex-PM Ian Smith described Mwalimu as the "evil genius". Mwalimu wrote several books and poems. But he resisted all attempts to get him to write his autobiography. Is it not amazing, however, that for a man who was mostly led by his ego, Mwalimu spent most of his life worrying how history would handle him? Politically, Mwalimu left a legacy of sycophancy and a gang of self-serving power mongers within CCM. They specialise in praise singing, ululation and incessant clapping at their meetings. Party elections have become big business, with votes openly bought and sold. And the so-called Nyerere prot├ęges prefer to quote Nyerere only when and where it suits them and serves their interests.

    There are evident signs of a religious crisis in the offing. Muslims are now lamenting louder than when Mwalimu was in power. They claim that Mwalimu intentionally favoured Christians in college selection, Government appointments and division of other resources. Mwalimu left us this rift and it has turned into an accident waiting to happen. Now, as we commemorate 13 years of the death of a man who claimed to oppose religious favouritism, the Catholic Church is in the process of ‘canonising' Mwalimu. What is the underlying agenda? What is the Church up to? After a quarter of a century at the helm of all things political, Mwalimu got a rude awakening. He glanced back at the trail of havoc he inflicted on his people and saw everything smouldering and the wreckage strewn all around. It was a "things fall apart" scene.

    At the end of the day, he had no real friends. His family suffered from his neglect. The masses were still poverty stricken, illiteracy was holding sway, healthcare was zilch and the Union was collapsing. Both grand and petty corruption were riding high and, to make it worse, the ruling CCM dumped his Arusha Declaration and Socialism. Because nothing that he stood for stood, Nyerere died a bitter and very angry man. Yes, there will never be another Julius Nyerere. He was, indeed, an enigma.

    sdawalo@yahoo.com JKN the Enigma – Who was He?
     
  3. King Kong III

    King Kong III JF-Expert Member

    #3
    Oct 18, 2012
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    Mwalimu ametuachia CCM iliyojaa wafuasi maimuma na mbumbumbu wakiongozwa na genge dogo la watu wenye uchu wa madaraka wanaopenda kujilimbikizia mali. Wazoefu wa kuimba nyimbo za kusifiana kwa vigelegele na makofi mengi. Chaguzi za Chama cha Mapinduzi zimegeuka gulio la kuuza na kununua kura mchana kweupe.
     
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