Mwalimu Nyerere (RIP): Matukio Muhimu Mpaka Kutuaga Watanzania

. NYERERE:- BORA NINGEKUWA MHUBIRI WA DINI KULIKO KUWA RAIS WA NCHI!

Baadhi ya maneno ya hayati Mwalimu, alipofikisha umri wa miaka 50

"..Wakati nikiwa Makerere, niligundua kwamba serikali ya nchi yangu ilikuwa ikinilipia kiasi cha paundi 80 kila mwaka kwa ajili ya elimu yangu. Lakini hio haikuwa na maana kubwa sana kwangu, isitoshe paundi 80 ni chembe ndogo tu ya kiasi cha jumnla ya pesa zinazokusanywa na kutoka kwa walipa kodi wa nchi yangu, yaani wa-Afrika. Leo hii, paundi 80 ziimeongezeka thamani yake na kuwa na maana kubwa kwangu. Siyo kwamba ni zawadi muhimu tu na tunu kwangu, lakini pia ni deni ambalo kamwe sitaweza kulilipa."

"Sina uhakika kama wengi wetu wamepata kufikiria kwamba wakati paundi 80 zilikuwa zinatyumika kunitunza mimi kule Makerere, hela hizo zingeweza kujenga Zahanati angalau mbili katika kijiji changu au chochote kingine Tanzania."

".. Inawezekana kabisa kuwa wananchi walikuwa wanakufa kwa ukosefu wa dawa kwa sababu tu ya kukosa paundi zile 80 zilizokuwa zikilipwa kwa ajili yangu. Kwa hiyo kuwapo kwangu chuoni kuliinyima jamii huduma ya wale wote ambao wangeweza kusomeshwa kwenye shule chini ya miti, na kuwaandaa kina Aggreys na Booker Washingtons, Je nitawezaje kamwe kutolilipa hilo deni kwa jamii yangu hii?."

"Jamii inatumia fedha zote hizo kwa ajili yetu kwa sababu inataka tuwe nyenzo za kuiinua jamii hiyo. Kwa hiyo lazima siku zote tubakie chinbi ya jamii hiyo na kuhimili uzito wote wa wananchi ambao wanahitaji kuinuliwa, na lazima tusaidie kuifanya hiyo kazi ya kuwainua wananchi wasiojiweza"

......Itaendelea.......!
 
Field Marshall ES said:
.MWILI WA NYERERE WAPOKEWA KWA MVUA NA RADI KALI BUTIAMA

Mwili wa Baba wa Taifa Mwalimu Nyerere, umewasili hapa na kupokelewa kwa taratibu za kijadi huku kukiwa na mvua kubwa na ngurumo kali za radi. Mwili huo uliwasili majira ya saa 1.45 usiku, ukitokea Musoma ambako ulipokelewa kwa taratibu za kijeshi.


Pia habari zaidi kutoka Butiama zinasema kuwa jana usiku kulikuwa na tetemeko kubwa la ardhi kijijini hapo, hali ambayo wanakijiji wa hapo wanaihusisha na kifo cha Chifu wao Mwalimu Nyerere. Wakati mwili huo ukipitishwa wananchi wengi kwa malefu walikuwa kwenye miti na mapaa ya nyumba wakijaribu angalau kuliona jeneza hilo.

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Hiyo ndiyo ilinifanya niamini kwamba Nyerere hakuwa mtu wa Kawaida. ikumbukwe kwamba miaka ya 80 wakati wa jaribio la kupindua serikali yake mwalimu alisema kwamba hakuna binadamu yeyote anayeweza kuondoa uhai wake ispokuwa Mungu peke yake. na ikitokea basi mtu huyo lazima atakuwa ni Kichaa.

Aliyoyasema yalitimia.
 
. NYERERE KUZIKWA LEO BUTIAMA Oktoba 23, 1999.

Mazishi ya Mwalimu Nyerere, aliyefariki Tarehe 14 Oktoba, 1999 yanatazamiwa kufanyika leo huko kijijini Butiama, na kuhudhuriwa na baadhi ya marais wa nchi za jirani akiwemo Yoweri Museveni wa Uganda. Kabla ya mwili kuwekwa ndani ya kaburi hilo la zege, na Kikosi maalum cha jeshi kitafanya gwaride maalum la heshima likifuatiwa na Wimbo wa Taifa na ibada ya mazishi itakayoendeshwa na Baba Askofu wa Kanisa Katoliki.

Watu wa familia ya Mwalimu walihitimisha kutoa heshima zao za mwisho juzi saa 6:00 usiku, na kuanzia jana saa 12:00 asubuhi wananchi wa mikoa ya Mwanmza, Shinyanga, Arusha, Kagera, Tabora, Kigoma na Kilimanjaro waliendelea kutoa heshima zao.

Matetemeko mawili mfululizo, yalitokea tena jana katika maeneo hayo ya mazishi huko Butiama, Chifu wa Wazanaki Bw. Japhet Wanzangi, amesema kuwa matetemeko hayo yanahusiana moja kwa moja na kifo cha Mwalimu, ambapo pia ni inshara ya kifo cha kiongozi anayeheshimiwa sana katika ukoo na kabila la Kizanaki. Pia matetemeko hayo yaliamabatana na mvua kubwa iliyonyesha kuanzia majira ya saa 1:30 Usiku hadi saa 3:30, ambayo ilikatika tu baada ya wazee 30 wa Kizanaki wakiongozwa na Chifu huyo kwenda kutambika kwenye kichaka kinachoitwa Muhunda, hapo kijijini.

Mwalimu, alipewa heshima ya "Uzee" katika jamii ya Wazanaki, mbali na heshima aliyokuwa nayo kama rais mstaafu, Baba Wa Taifa na mlezi wa familia nyingi za kijijini Butiama.



Wakuu wote heshima mbele kwa kuwa pamoja kwenye hii safari ya Mwalimu, wananchi wengi wameniomba kwamba inawawia vigumu kuendelea na hii safari maana wanakuwa very emmotional na kijinsia inawaumiza sana kuisoma, kwa hiyo ninawaomba wakuu wote mnipe nafasi niishie hapa.

Ahsanteni Wakuu Wote!
 
katika pekua pekua nimepata vitu vichache kama hivi,

President Julius Nyerere
A Great Teacher and Devoted African Leader

By Charles E. Simmons

The former president of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere, 77, died last week. As one who led the independence struggle of Tanganyika against Colonial Britain in the 1950's and 60's, He was a person of the caliber of Nelson Mandela, Kwame Nkrumah and Patrice Lumumba. Africans called him affectionately, "Mwalimu," or "Teacher." He was both a dedicated Catholic and socialist, a humble and simple man who often went back to his dusty remote village and tilled the soil along with family farmers. When he took office from the British Colonial governor in 1961, one of his first official acts was to decrease his salary.

Tanzania is one of the nations on the giant continent that has few mineral resources, and a small population and some 120 small ethnic groups or tribes, many with distinct languages. Nyerere's government brought unity to the country by making Swahili, the language spoken throughout the region of East Africa, to be the national language. The new leadership also created further unity by merging the political structure of the tiny island nation, Zanzibar, with the mainland Tanganyika, to become the new nation of Tanzania.

Tanzania's demographics have been a double-edged sword. On one hand the nation was left alone militarily during the last 40 years by greedy imperialists who were seeking gold and diamonds. Yet, the Western powers considered Tanzania a strategic location because of its borders with other southern African nations, so the Big Powers kept their fingers in the pie of political intrigue and economic manipulation. And their fears were correct. Through his leadership of the African Liberation Committee in the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations Committee Against Apartheid, Nyerere and Tanzania were among the forefront of those largely responsible for the freedom fighters throughout southern Africa for having a military base and supplies for some 25 years from which to fight the apartheid and colonial forces that included the British, the Rhodesians, the Portuguese, the pre-Mandela South African government, and the complete backing of financial and political interests of the U.S. Those who fought for political independence in Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Southern and Northern Rhodesia which are now Zambia and Zimbabwe; Namibia; and South Africa, all must pause today when his body is carried to its final resting place.

Nyerere's success in international diplomacy on the side of the oppressed is one of the factors which led right-wing U.S. politicians to hate the United Nations. Nyerere made serious attempts to create an indigenous socialism in Tanzania within an environment of relative poverty of agriculture and industry that would allow the country to be economically independent. As a result, the nation has one of the best records of literacy and health care on the continent and among the former colonialized nations.

However, Nyerere's critics, particularly those from the Western corporate media, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, claim that because Nyerere focused on domestic needs such as health and education that he was naive. These critics argue that because he valued regional unity above Western individualism that he was misguided. They argued that because he chose self-reliance as the guide to development rather than go hat in hand to beg for high-interest rate loans from the World Bank, that he destroyed the economy. Those IMF executives were not accustomed to seeing a national leader riding in an old car rather than a shiny new Mercedes through the capital city without a motorcade, with only a single driver, stopping for red lights. Nor was Wall Street impressed by the fact that Nyerere gave military assistance to African freedom fighters throughout southern Africa, fighting to end western economic domination and apartheid. Another category of critics from within the freedom struggle, claim that Nyerere went too slow and allowed too much Western influence, and did not take seriously the requirements of building socialism. One of the spokesmen from that group is the late Tanzanian Cabinet Minister, Muhammad Babu, also a noted revolutionary African leader and author of African Socialism or Socialist Africa?. These are important debates for the new millennium that also has major relevance to community activists considering post industrial development in urban and rural America. History will judge.

Nyerere led in the attempts to form regional economic cooperation in East Africa between Uganda, Kenya, and Zambia. The view of those leaders was that each member nation would produce and specialize in what it did best and thereby shift the regions' dependence on Western financial interests that dominate the world economy and set prices in the international market. These efforts to achieve economic independence were opposed tooth and nail by Washington, London and Paris just as strongly as they had opposed the efforts of Marcus Garvey generations earlier. Most of the leaders throughout the continent who made such attempts were overthrown or assassinated by the CIA forces or their local puppets. The long list of dedicated African patriots includes Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, the Congo's Patrice Lumumba, Egypt's Gamel Nasser, and Algeria's Ben Bella. Their loss has much to do with the fact that Africa remains underdeveloped and politically fragmented today. But that will never be conceded by the Western pundits and officers of the World Bank and IMF who speak of African economic struggles today as chronic and hopeless while encouraging more indebtedness and even less economic independence, an arrangement which benefits Western interests handsomely on their way to the bank. In spite of those negative factors, President Nyerere continued to work for self-reliance rather than instant gratification.

It must also be pointed out that Tanzania was a leader of African American and African unity. During the 1960's, Tanzania sheltered many African American freedom fighters who were on the run from the U.S. sheriffs and the CIA. The small East African nation was also home to numerous African Americans who moved there to work on farms and provide professional services. Until the retirement of Leopold Senghor in Senegal a few years ago, Nyerere had been the only head of state in post-colonial Africa who retired from his job without being overthrown or assassinated. His political descendants include the current Secretary General of the Organization of African Unity, Selim Ahmed Selim, who has held top level posts in the Tanzanian domestic and foreign service, and who may one day become the president of Tanzania.

During this month of his passing, as healthy, literate, housed and hopeful African youth in Dar Es Salaam will place wreaths of beautiful flowers on his tomb. And from Kilimanjero to Beijing, and from Lake Victoria to Cairo, simple folk will tell their sons and daughters about a life of devotion to humanity. Whether in Detroit or Los Angeles, it will be worth a moment of silence or words of tribute to a great teacher and son of Africa, Mwalimu, wherever there is a gathering of those who love justice.

Outside of Africa Nyerere was an inspiration to Walter Lini, Prime Minister of Vanuatu, whose theories on Melanesian socialism owed much to the ideas he found in Tanzania, which he visited. Lecturers inspired by Nyerere also taught at the University of Papua New Guinea in the 1980s, helping educated Melanesians familiarize themselves with his ideas.

Material on Julius Nyerere:

Assensoh, A. B. (1998) African Political Leadership: Jomo Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah, and Julius K. Nyerere, New York: Krieger Publishing Co.

Kassam, Y. (1995) 'Julius Nyerere' in Z. Morsy (ed.) Thinkers on Education, Paris: UNESCO Publishing.

Legum, C. and Mmari, G. (ed.) (1995) Mwalimu : The Influence of Nyerere, London: Africa World Press.

Samoff, J. (1990) ‘"Modernizing" a socialist vision: education in Tanzania’, in M. Carnoy and J. Samoff (eds.) Education and Social Transition in the Third World, Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press.
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A giant of the African independence struggle, he retained his worldwide moral authority even after his vision of rural socialism faltered
Friday October 15, 1999

Guardian
In his heyday as president of Tanzania - which he ruled from 1961 to 1985 - Julius Nyerere, who has died from leukaemia aged 77, was lion- ised by the liberal left of the world for his impassioned advocacy of his style of African socialism, but mauled by his critics as a priggish autocrat, whose idealism failed to deliver prosperity to his people. To his credit, Nyerere stepped down peacefully and voluntarily, long before it became fashionable for Africa's self-appointed life presidents to subject themselves to the verdict of their peoples in multi-party elections.

In 1967 came Nyerere's Arusha Declaration, his policy on socialism and self- reliance. Its cornerstone was ujamaa, or familyhood, which was imposed on Tanzania in the following years. The aim was to collect people into villages or communes, where they would have better access to education and medical services. Nearly 10m peasants were moved and a substantial majority were forced to give up their land. But to most Tanzanians, the idea of collective farming was abhorrent. Many found themselves worse off; incentive and productivity declined, and ujamaa was effectively abandoned. It was a measure of Nyerere's international prestige that the failure of this fundamental policy at home in no way dented his global standing.

A man of austere and unostentatious personal habits, and instantly recognisable in his Mao tunic, Julius Nyerere was born at Butiama, on the eastern shore of Lake Victoria, into the small Zanaki tribe. He was 12 before he first went to school, but was immediately singled out for his lively intelligence by the Roman Catholic priests. After Makerere University, in Kampala, he taught for three years, admitting, later in life, that he was a schoolmaster by choice and a politician by accident.

In 1949 he became the first Tanzanian to study at a British university, when he went to Edinburgh on a government scholarship. And it was there, under the influence of post-war Fabian socialists, that he developed his own political ideas of grafting socialism on to African communal existence.

Nyerere left teaching in 1954, formed the Tanganyika African National Union, and campaigned for the nationalist movement. He was elected to the then Tanganyika legislature in 1958, representing East Province, the first time that the country's Africans were enfranchised, and became leader of the opposition. He became chief minister in 1960. But it was not until 1961, when he was sworn in as prime minister of the newly-independent Tanganyika that he would be in a position to start putting the ideas into practice.

In the same year, he joined other African leaders in denouncing the racist policies of South Africa and declaring that, if the apartheid regime remained in the Commonwealth, Tanzania would never join. South Africa subsequently withdrew its membership.

For Nyerere the move marked the beginning of an effective commitment to African liberation movements: later, he played host to the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan- African Congress (PAC) of South Africa, to Samora Machel's Frelimo - battling against the Portuguese in Mozambique - and to Robert Mugabe's fledgling Zanla forces, which opposed colonial rule in the then Southern Rhodesia. He broke off relations with Britain, Tanzania's principal aid donor, after its failure to use force when Ian Smith declared UDI in 1965 - earning himself the description by Smith of the "evil genius" behind the ensuing guerrilla war.

The unusually principled way in which Nyerere looked upon international politics was again evident in his uncompromising stand against the brutal regime of Idi Amin in Uganda in the late 1970s. Despite almost universal condemnation of the dictator's excesses, it was left to Tanzania to intervene militarily and dislodge Amin. A brief invasion of Tanzania by Amin in late 1978 brought a swift reponse from Nyerere: Tanzanian troops, joined by Ugandan exiles, were mobilised to drive back the invaders. But they didn't stop at the border. Kampala fell in 1979, with its residents lining the streets chanting the name of the Tanzanian leader. It was the first time in African post-colonial history that one country had invaded another and captured its capital. It was a fundamental breach of the principles of the Organisation of African Unity. But Nyerere weathered the storm.

However, the campaign proved expensive, and while their leader devoted such resources, time and energy to foreign affairs, his critics in Tanzania argued that he overlooked domestic problems, and failed to apply the same observance of human right abuses. He seldom flinched from using a Preventive Detention Act that allowed him to lock up his opponents virtually at will.

Relations with Zanzibar, which had united with Tanganyika in 1964 to form the United Republic of Tanzania with Nyerere as president, were always strained. Tanzania became ever more dependent upon foreign aid, and decision-making was paralysed by a ponderous bureaucracy. Nyerere was to admit that mistakes had been made, while his devotees pointed to developments - such as the spread of literacy and primary healthcare.

A practising Catholic in a predominantly Muslim country, Nyerere married Maria Magige in 1953, by whom he had five sons and two daughters. He maintained a passionate interest in Swahili, the language of East Africa, and translated Julius Caesar and The Merchant Of Venice. His political writings included Essays On Socialism (1969) and Freedom And Development (1973).

The idea that when he resigned as president, handing over to Hassan Ali Mwinyi, Nyerere would live quietly on his farm at Batiama, cultivating his interest in book-binding, was always improbable. And indeed he continued to influence government policy through his chairmanship of the single ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi.

Whether or not he initiated the debate about an alternative political system in Tanzania is questionable, but he rapidly became a part of it. Although mwalimu , or teacher, as he liked to be known, was to his own people one of them, he nonetheless became - like Senghor, of Senegal, and Sadat, of Egypt - an African leader who outgrew his country.

When he relinquished the party chairmanship in 1990, he was able to devote more time to campaigning for greater co-operation between developing countries, and, as chairman of the South Commission, a closing of the gap between rich and poor. He also took on the role of African elder statesman, working notably in conflict resolution, although his most recent efforts - trying to resolve Burundi's civil war - did not bear fruit.

Julius Nyerere belonged to a generation of African post-independence leaders, like Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah and Zambia's Kenneth Kaunda, who had an unshakeable belief in their mission to lead their countries to a better world through their chosen political ideologies, but who were unable to recognise their personal failings.

When he stepped down, Nyerere declared that "although socialism has failed in Tanzania, I will remain a socialist because I believe socialism is the best policy for poor countries like Tanzania". His suc cessors decided otherwise, embracing capitalism and the free market, but with arguable benefits to the country.

His detractors would regard his stewardship of Tanzania to have been flawed by his single-minded adherence to a manifestly unworkable policy. Yet Nyerere is more likely to be remembered for having provided a moral leadership to Tanzania, and indeed Africa, when the continent was taking its first shaky steps after independence.

Julian Marshall

Ahmed Rajab, editor of Africa Analysis, writes: Julius Nyerere was "a great leader who made great mistakes," as one ruler once famously said of another. He unified his country, certainly, gave it a sense of purpose and, in the 1960s and 1970s, made Tanzanians feel proud of themselves.

As a pan-Africanist, he could not be faulted for putting his country in the forefront of the frontline states against white minority rule in Africa. He took a principled stand at a great cost to his country, but his people never really minded. Tanzania became a home for exiled freedom-fighters who are now the rulers in a number of southern African states.

Many a time, Nyerere confounded those of us who thought of ourselves as being to his left by appropriating our political lexicon and social agenda. He never quite became a Marxist, but the former shepherd boy, whom we used to deride as "a good boy of the west" and who was viewed with suspicion by the likes of Kwame Nkrumah, turned into a tactical ally when he started talking about class struggle and a classless society.

But his African socialist philosophy of ujamaa only brought misery and economic degradation. Under the man who preached self-reliance, Tanzania depended on foreign aid more than any other African country. That was only one of his contradictions.

His vision of a united Africa did not stop him from recognising Biafra, the breakaway eastern Nigeria, in the early 1960s. A pious Catholic, who could not tolerate the excesses of Idi Amin, Nyerere nonetheless felt himself unable to move against another dictator much closer to home: the burly Sheikh Abeid Karume, Zanzibar's then president and Tanzania's first vice-president, who presided over a brutal dictatorship, detained people without trial, killed countless imagined or real enemies, and forced girls of Persian or Arab origin to marry elderly black Zanzibaris.

Karume was assassinated in 1972 but, throughout the sheikh's eight-year rule, Nyerere never lifted a finger against his tragic histrionics.

Despite his failings, Nyerere was revered by progressive Africans. When they talked of Tanzania, they talked, in effect, of Nyerere - the simple, unassuming former schoolteacher, untainted by corruption or personal scandals and with a fondness for Mateus rosé. In the 1950s and 1960s, admirers would copy his hairstyle, his moustache, and later, when he started donning a kofia , the Swahili-Muslim cap, his fellow up-country Christians did likewise. In the mid-1960s he went to China, shook hands with Chairman Mao, and came back with a variant of the Mao suit, which became de rigueur among Tanzania's officials and aspiring politicians.

Had he not been a politician, Nyerere might have become a scholar of repute. He was a poet of modest pretensions and, although his translation of Julius Caesar was not brilliant, he did, after all, dare to translate Shakespeare. He could be profound and esoteric to the intellectuals; streetwise to the masses. His speeches were electrifying.

I remember spending the best part of two hours with him alone in a Nairobi hotel room in 1994, when he was out of office and Tanzania was about to embark on its first multi-party elections. Initially, he refused to discuss the prospective presidential candidates of his own party, the Chama Cha Mapinduzi. But once he had been assured that it was strictly off-the-record, he became candid, almost gossipy, about a number of party leaders.

Earlier in the day, when I offered to bring him tea during a conference break, he turned me down, saying: "Let me do it myself; it is at times like these that I can act as a normal human being."

Julius Kambarage Nyerere, politician, born 1922; died October 14 1999
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Guardian Unlimited © Guardian News and Media Limited 2007
 
Mkuu Icadon,

Shukrani sana kwa michango yako mizito kuhusu Mwalimu Baba Wa Taifa, ningemuomba mkuu Ole au Brutus, kama wanaweza kuikuza ikawa na maandishi makubwa zaidi,

Otherwise, kama kawaida heshima mbele mkuu!
 
Field Marshall ES said:
.TUTADUMISHA UMOJA KWA NGUVU ZOTE-MKAPA

Rais Mkapa, amesema serikali itatumia uwezo wake wote kudumisha amani na umoja wa kitaifa ulioachwa na Mwalimu kama urithi kwetu wananchi wa taifa hili. Pia alisema serikali italinda Muungano wetu kwa nguvu zake zote, alikuwa akihutubia kutoka Uwanja wa Taifa jana, baada ya wageni kutoa heshima zao za mwisho.

Alisema serikali yake itaendelea kupigana na vita dhidi ya umasikini na kuona kwamba wanyonge wanasaidiwa zaidi. "Napenda nimuhakikishie kila mwananchi aliyeko ndani ya Tanzania na nje pia kuwa serikali yangu itahakikisha urithi wa Mwalimu haupotei kamwe, urithi ambao ni umoja wetu, amani, na vita dhidi ya umasikini".

"Wengi wetu tunajiona kuwa ni wanafunzi wake, na tunajihisi tumepata heshima kubwa kumjua na kufanya kazi naye katika uhai wake, ambapo aliwajali sana wanyonge, masikini, na waliodahifu katika jamiii" alisema Rais Mkapa.

.....Itaendelea.......!
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HE WAS RIGHT ON THIS STATEMENT; CHUKIA UMASKINI KWA NGUVU,AKILI NA MAARIFA YAKO YOTE.
 
Kama ninaifahamu vizuri tafsiri ya neno "UZALENDO" basi Mwl JK alikuwa ni mzalendo pekee katika safu zote za uongozi wa Tanzania na siamini kama kutakuwepo mwingine kama yeye na hasa kwenye SAFU ILIYOPO ambayo imekithiri kwa utendaji wa ubabaishaji na kuwepo mara kwa mara majaribio ya uongozi (Yaani kila mara kunakuwepo na mabadiliko kwenye safu hiyo)
 
Mafuchila hiyo UTube huyu Mzee alikuwa anaelewa sana issue nzima ya "Economic Hitmen".Alikuwa na gangsta ya kuweka ku-lobby watu wafutiwe madeni ambayo I doubt Kikwete anaweza kuifikia hata nusus yake.
 
Mzee ES,

Loh, kijichozi kimenitoka nilipokuwa nasoma hii thread! I wonder if I will ever have any emotional attachment to the rest of Maraisi wa Tanzania they way I was attached to the power of Mwalimu!

May be if a new brand leadership that is driven as Mwalimu comes back to our country, I will have such emotions!
 
Field Marshall ES said:
NYERERE:- BORA NINGEKUWA MHUBIRI WA DINI KULIKO KUWA RAIS WA NCHI!

Baadhi ya maneno ya hayati Mwalimu, alipofikisha umri wa miaka 50

"..Wakati nikiwa Makerere, niligundua kwamba serikali ya nchi yangu ilikuwa ikinilipia kiasi cha paundi 80 kila mwaka kwa ajili ya elimu yangu. Lakini hio haikuwa na maana kubwa sana kwangu, isitoshe paundi 80 ni chembe ndogo tu ya kiasi cha jumnla ya pesa zinazokusanywa na kutoka kwa walipa kodi wa nchi yangu, yaani wa-Afrika. Leo hii, paundi 80 ziimeongezeka thamani yake na kuwa na maana kubwa kwangu. Siyo kwamba ni zawadi muhimu tu na tunu kwangu, lakini pia ni deni ambalo kamwe sitaweza kulilipa."

"Sina uhakika kama wengi wetu wamepata kufikiria kwamba wakati paundi 80 zilikuwa zinatyumika kunitunza mimi kule Makerere, hela hizo zingeweza kujenga Zahanati angalau mbili katika kijiji changu au chochote kingine Tanzania."

".. Inawezekana kabisa kuwa wananchi walikuwa wanakufa kwa ukosefu wa dawa kwa sababu tu ya kukosa paundi zile 80 zilizokuwa zikilipwa kwa ajili yangu. Kwa hiyo kuwapo kwangu chuoni kuliinyima jamii huduma ya wale wote ambao wangeweza kusomeshwa kwenye shule chini ya miti, na kuwaandaa kina Aggreys na Booker Washingtons, Je nitawezaje kamwe kutolilipa hilo deni kwa jamii yangu hii?."

"Jamii inatumia fedha zote hizo kwa ajili yetu kwa sababu inataka tuwe nyenzo za kuiinua jamii hiyo. Kwa hiyo lazima siku zote tubakie chinbi ya jamii hiyo na kuhimili uzito wote wa wananchi ambao wanahitaji kuinuliwa, na lazima tusaidie kuifanya hiyo kazi ya kuwainua wananchi wasiojiweza"

......Itaendelea.......!
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These were powerful words! He is talking about Return of Investment! Even though there are things did not work out the way he wished, however the critical and powerful investment earnerd due to the 80 pounds capital was the national unity and patriotism!

You can tell the results of return of Investment made on Mwalimu; Jambo Forum! We are united, Patriotic and proud of being Tanzanians despite of our differences!
 
Rev. Kishoka said:
Mzee ES,

Loh, kijichozi kimenitoka nilipokuwa nasoma hii thread! I wonder if I will ever have any emotional attachment to the rest of Maraisi wa Tanzania they way I was attached to the power of Mwalimu!

May be if a new brand leadership that is driven as Mwalimu comes back to our country, I will have such emotions!
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He was not perfect, but he was very special and a true leader indeed whose first priority always was for his beloved country and its people. Rest in peace Mwalimu.
 
He was not perfect, but he was very special and a true leader indeed whose first priority always was for his beloved country and itsMwalimu.people. Rest in peace
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Mkuu Bubu,

Heshima mbele, mnaneno mazito sana mkuu, Mkuu Kishoka, heshima mbele pia, Mwalimu adumu.
 
"Sina uhakika kama wengi wetu wamepata kufikiria kwamba wakati paundi 80 zilikuwa zinatumika kunitunza mimi kule Makerere, hela hizo zingeweza kujenga Zahanati angalau mbili katika kijiji changu au chochote kingine Tanzania."
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Sasa think about US $ 152,000 malipo hewa ya Richimonduli kwa siku, zingeweza kufanya nini kwa taifa letu? Mwalimu angefufuka angalau for one day aje ajioneee!

Mungu Ibariki Tanzania.
 
Field Marshall ES said:
Sasa think about US $ 152,000 malipo hewa ya Richimonduli kwa siku, zingeweza kufanya nini kwa taifa letu? Mwalimu angefufuka angalau for one day aje ajioneee!

Mungu Ibariki Tanzania.
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Eeh, hivi ni kwa siku? 152 million bob per day? Na ile IPTL na nani mwingine? Kwa siku pia?

Mwenye hesabu kamili atuwekee hapa tushangae!

This is crazy.

Watanzania walimwelewa vizuri sana na kumwamini Mwalimu; leo watu wanaposhindwa kuelewa sababu zinazowafanya waing'ang'anie CCM hawapendi kuifanya kazi ngumu aliyoifanya Mwalimu - ya kuwaelimisha wananchi wake kwa lugha na njia zilizo rahisi kwao kumwelewa.
And of course, yeye mwenyewe allishi maisha ambayo wananchi hawakuwa na sababu ya kumtilia shaka kuwa pengine atawaibia mali zao. Viongozi wetu wanaoshangaa ni kwa nini hawaungwi mkono -show your true self to the people. They will accept you.
 
Rev. Kishoka said:
Mzee ES,

Loh, kijichozi kimenitoka nilipokuwa nasoma hii thread! I wonder if I will ever have any emotional attachment to the rest of Maraisi wa Tanzania they way I was attached to the power of Mwalimu!

May be if a new brand leadership that is driven as Mwalimu comes back to our country, I will have such emotions!
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WATERS ARE COMING OUT OF MY EYES, THE THREAD MADE MY DAY , IT REAL TOUCHED MY INNERMOST ROOM OF MY HEART AND BELIEF TO SERVE TANZANIANS(nyerereism) KAMA KWELI MTU ANATAKA KUWA KIONGOZI BORA....NA KUWATUMIKIA WATANZANIA(sio familia yake na yeye)HE CAN SIMPLY TAKE THIS THREAD...(copy/save/print TO BE HIS REFERENCE...!long live nyerere long live tanzania....!LAKINI ISIYO NA MAFISADI...!
 
Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, amefariki akiwa fukara.

haya ni mambo kumi muhimu tunayaoweza kuyatafakati.

1.Hana kitu cha fahari cha kujivunia, mbali na busara na msimamo kwa kile alichokiamini.

2.Hana lolote la kuweza kunyooshewa kidole na binadamu yeyote kwamba alikuwa na mali nyingi kupindukia ambazo alizipata kwa njia ya udanganyifu.

3.Alikuwa, amekuwa na ataendelea kuwa mjamaa wa kweli asiye na mfano ndani na nje ya bara la Afrika. Alikuwa na msimamo usiotetereka wala hakuwahi kumpigia magoti mtu kwa mali au utajiri wake.

4.Aliwakemea wote waliojaribu kumwambia lolote kuhusu kuchota mali za umma kwa ajili yao na ndugu zao. Aliwapa ukweli tena usiokuwa na kificho; Aliwaambia hapana na kweli ikawa hivyo hadi mwisho na wao kukata tamaa.

5.Kwa wabinafsi na mafisadi, Mwalimu alionekana mjinga kwa kutotumia nafasi aliyokuwa nao kujichotea mali. Hakuweza kamwe kujilimbikizia mali pamoja na kwamba alikuwa na uwezo wa kufanya hivyo.

6.Nyerere alikuwa ni binadamu tofauti. Kwa kawaida binadamu amezaliwa na tabia ya ubinafsi, lakini yeye hakuweza kuwa na tamaa ya kuiba ama kuchota raslimali zilizokuwapo wakati huo pamoja na umbumbumbu wa idadi kubwa ya wananchi wa Tanganyika, ambao wengi wao kwa wakati huo hawakuwa na elimu wala ufahamu wa kutosha juu ya mambo mengi.

7.Mwalimu alikemea utumiaji wa mitutu ya bunduki ama nguvu za dola katika kuzima ama kuzuia haki za watu, akieleza kuwa matumizi ya maguvu ya aina hiyo hayawezi kudumu milele kukandamiza na kuzuia haki kutendeka.

8.Alithamini haki za binadamu na kusema ni kigezo cha msingi katika kudumisha amani na mshikamano, katika nchi moja kwa upande mmoja na katika dunia kwa upande mwingine.

9.Mwalimu Nyerere hakutaka kuonea, lakini alikaripia pale palipojitokeza udhaifu.

10.Mwalimu Nyerere alikuwa baba, babu na mlezi wa kila mmoja. Wapo wanaokejeli ubaba, ubabu na ulezi wake ambao ameutoa kwa Tanganyika, na baadaye Tanzania, kwa zaidi ya nusu ya maisha yake yote.


HITIMISHO
Tabia hii ilifanya Mwalimu ajikusanyie mashabiki na marafiki wengi na alifanikiwa kuipenyeza kwa baadhi ya watumishi waliokuwa madarakani wakati huo.
Ufukara wa viongozi waliokuwa madarakani si dhambi; wala si kosa kwa viongozi walioko madarakani kutumia fedha halali za mishahra yao na masurufu mengine ya lazima kujijengea nyumba na mahitaji mengine muhimu.

Lakini ukweli unabaki pale pale kuwa kiongozi yeyote Tanzania au nchi nyingine masikini anayeweza kuwa na kasri ama gari la gharama kubwa wakati mishahara si mikubwa, isiyoruhusu kufanya vitu vya kuogofya; na kama anavyo vitu vya fahari kubwa ni wazi kuwa atakuwa akiiba ama mali ya umma au kula rushwa.

Nyerere 'aliwaambukiza' tabia hiyo viongozi wengi waliokuwa chini yake na ambao, hata leo baada ya kustaafu, wamebaki kuwa watu wasiokuwa na msimamo thabiti kwa maisha yao na familia zao kwa kuwa tu hawakuweza kujichotea mali kwa rushwa au wizi.


haya yote yanapatikana katika kitabu cha Nyerere Hazina Tanzania.na nimeyaleta hapa kwa nia moja na dhumuni moja la hasira juu ya wale wote wanaopenda kujilimbikizia mali.
 
Yule mzee wetu alikuwa mtu kabambe sana .Lazima tushukuru kuwanamzee kama yule.Alikuwanamapenzi makubwasana na raia wake,tumepoteza kito chamaana sana, mtu hajui anacho mpaka kikipotea ndio ana kumbuka kwamba alikuwanacho kitu.Zidumu fikrazamzee wetu Kambarage.
Ameen
Mzee kutoka Ujiji
 
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