Lost Decades - In Search of Ujamaa

[Interested Observer]

Ujamaa ulitungwa na mwafrica lakini haukufuata mila na desturi zetu. Tanzania ina zaidi ya makabila 120, how could he put the traditions of these tribes together? And you notion that "It was about the African way" is a myth. Don't perpetuate it.

Ali-act kama Santa Claus alipowapa watu viwanda. Kiwanda chenye thamani ya mamilioni, kinapewa meneja ambaye maishani mwake hajawahi kuongoza mradi wa kuzalisha angalau magunia mawili ya magimbi au muhogo.

Na kuhusu farmers/peasants tupo kwenye sahani moja. Nadhani makosa mengine makubwa yalikuwa ni mfumo wa tax ambao hakujali bei katika soko la dunia. Sababu kubwa iliyoleta maendeleo Kilimanjaro, Kagera na Mbeya ilikuwa ni kilimo cha kahawa. Mapato ya mazao hayo ilifanya watu kufanya diversification ya kusomesha watoto, kufungua maduka na other ventures.

Kwa watu wa Iringa, Mbeya, Morogoro, Tanga, Pwani na mikoa mingine iliyokuwa na large scale farming walitegemea mashamba makubwa kama engine za maendeleo yao.

In my own opinion, nyerere was the best President in Africa (though that you may mention any other one you admire); at least he made his footprints, by designing a route a Nation should follow. Ni kiongozi pekee, among Africans, aliweza kuweka bluprint; kwa muelekeo wa Taifa lake. He made it clear that; the writing of Arusha Declaration was not complete and can be amended as generations passed. Wengine hutafsiri kuwa Ujamaa ni Socialism lakini yeye mwenyewe alikataa na kusema it was in African way. Nyerere aliheshimu human rights, na freedom of worship kwa individuals na groups ingawa siasa ya chama kimoja ilimtafsiri kama ni dictator (ingawa ni kweli ali-dictate terms).

Zakumi, mie siyo Mjamaa wala bepari wala nani, na sioni katika maelezo yote uliyoongea hapo juu (na kufuatilia katika topic zako) umeongea appreaciations for other issues which this great thinker did. Watu mnasema ati alifeli kwenye Uchumi; please substnantiate it how did he fail us in economy. Hivi kama Nyerere alifeli katika kutekeleza yale ambayo alianzisha, kwa nini wale waliofuata walishindwa kusahihisha? Mwinyi kama angekuwa na uwezo basi angeweza kabisa in 10 years akasahihisha makosa ya Nyerere. Now make a comparison between the 10 years of Mwinyi and the 23 years of Nyerere when did things go more wrong.Kuna factors kama ulivyosema hapo juu during Nyerere kulikuwa na cold war, demise of EAst African Community, Ukame, Vita ya Uganda nk. Umeacha labda factor nyingine kubwa (ambalo lilikuwa ni kosa la Nyerere; Ukombozi wa Africa) ambapo most of the money was used. Lete sasa zama za Mwinyi; what factors? Mkapa inhrited a government which was bankrupt; with brokenup macro economy system, a country without direction. Mwinyi introduced Azimio La Zanzibar ambalo hadi leo lina tu-haunt.

Believe me, waTanzania wengi tuko wajinga, kama other fellow-Africans; labda tu ni kuwa in a cream of our learders we had only one intelligent man, Mr. Nyerere; we didn't understand his theories and teachings. Na sasa hivi it is too late to go back to the Arusha Delaration and amend it for better reading; our minds are already infested; itabidi turudi kwenye mental slavery ileile ambayo Nyerere alitukuta nayo; and tutakosa wa kumlaumu.

 

[Mkandara]

Zakumi,
Mkuu wangu nadhani watu wengi wamekueleza mambo mengi sana kuhusiana na Ujamaa...Hakika swala hapa sidhani kama ni Ujamaa isipokuwa Nyerere mwenyewe na uongozi wake kwani hukumu nzima ya mada hii imelenga Tanzania ktk kipindi cha miaka 13 na sii Ujamaa kwa mtazamo wa upana wa neno - In search of Ujamaa!

Tanzania leo hii hatuwezi kujigamba kwamba sisi ni Mabepari!.. na wala hatuna harufu ya Ubepari, Tunapuyanga tu mkuu wangu in search of...na kesho tukishindwa siwezi kabisa kusema tumeshindwa kutokana na Ubepari..Hatufuati wala hatufanyi Ubepari isipokuwa ni kitu fulani kinachofanana na Ubepari.
Ni bora mara kumi wakati wa Nyerere tulikuwa na dira na kama alivyosema Interested Observer nadhni hakuna haja ya kuongezea lolote zaidi nitaharibu mchuzi...

Kwa hiyo umezungumzia mambo mengi sana mazuri lakini unapochukua jukumu la kusema umefanya utafiti wako nadhani hapa itakuwa vizuri sana ukitupa picha nzima. Ni sehemu zipi umezipita na watu gani umekutana nao ktk kukutaarifu ambao wamekuhakikishia kwamba kushindwa kwa Ujamaa kumetokana na sababu za ndani..
As if una support Ujamaa na ilitegemea ungefanikiwa kama wasingefanya mambo fulani fulani kinyume cha Ujamaa...

 

[Companero]

Ubuntu/Ujamaamaniac nimechelewa kurudi. Naenda kulala. Ila kwa ufupi Ujamaa ulishaelezwa maana yake na Muasisi wake. Ujamaa ni imani. Ni mtazamo wa kifikra ambao unapinga Ubepari/Unyama wa kimagharibi na Ukomunisti/Ushetani na kimashariki. Nguzo zake kuu zinazotokana na maisha ya asili ya Kiafrika ni 3 - kuheshimu utu (wa kila mtu), kufanya kazi (kwa pamoja) na kugawana mapato (kwa usawa).

1. Ujamaa haukutekelezwa kwenye Kilimo - Dola kwa kutumia NAFCO ilitwaa ardhi ya wakulima na wafugaji na kuyaendesha mashamba kwa mfumo wa 'Ubepari wa Dola'.

2. Ujamaa haukutekelezwa kwenye Utawala - Vijiji vya Kijamaa vya hiari vilivyofanikiwa kama RDA vilifungiwa na Dola na vijiji visivyo vya hiari viliundwa kwa operesheni sogeza.

3. Ujamaa hauu...Itaendelea kesho...usiku mwema...

 

[Zakumi]

Zakumi,
Mkuu wangu nadhani watu wengi wamekueleza mambo mengi sana kuhusiana na Ujamaa...Hakika swala hapa sidhani kama ni Ujamaa isipokuwa Nyerere mwenyewe na uongozi wake kwani hukumu nzima ya mada hii imelenga Tanzania ktk kipindi cha miaka 13 na sii Ujamaa kwa mtazamo wa upana wa neno - In search of Ujamaa!

Tanzania leo hii hatuwezi kujigamba kwamba sisi ni Mabepari!.. na wala hatuna harufu ya Ubepari, Tunapuyanga tu mkuu wangu in search of...na kesho tukishindwa siwezi kabisa kusema tumeshindwa kutokana na Ubepari..Hatufuati wala hatufanyi Ubepari isipokuwa ni kitu fulani kinachofanana na Ubepari.
Ni bora mara kumi wakati wa Nyerere tulikuwa na dira na kama alivyosema Interested Observer nadhni hakuna haja ya kuongezea lolote zaidi nitaharibu mchuzi...

Kwa hiyo umezungumzia mambo mengi sana mazuri lakini unapochukua jukumu la kusema umefanya utafiti wako nadhani hapa itakuwa vizuri sana ukitupa picha nzima. Ni sehemu zipi umezipita na watu gani umekutana nao ktk kukutaarifu ambao wamekuhakikishia kwamba kushindwa kwa Ujamaa kumetokana na sababu za ndani..
As if una support Ujamaa na ilitegemea ungefanikiwa kama wasingefanya mambo fulani fulani kinyume cha Ujamaa...

Mkandara:

Naona wengi mnakataa kuwa kilichotokea katika kipindi hiki kilikuwa sio Ujamaa au njia ya kwenda kwenye ujamaa basi nimetumia muda kutafuta kile yeye mwenyewe alichokiandika katika maandiko yake aliyoitwa.SOCIALISM AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT (UJAMAA NA MAENDELEO VIJIJINI). Ukiangalia yale tuliyopitia katika kipindi cha 1967-1981, sijuhi nani atasema kuwa njia ile ilikuwa sio ya ujamaa.



Our agricultural organization would be predominantly that of cooperative living and working for the good of all.

This means that most of our farming would be done by groups of people who live as a community and work as a community. They would live together in a village; they would farm together; market together, and undertake the provision of local services and small local requirements as a community.

Their community would be the traditional family group, or any other group of people living according to UJAMAA principles, large enough to take account of modern methods and the twentieth century needs of man.

The land this community farmed would called ‘our land’ by all the members; the crops they produced on that land would be called ‘our crop’; it would be ‘our shop’ which provided individual members with day-to-day necessities from outside and other buildings were constructed, and so. By Julius Nyerere September 1967

 

[Rev. Kishoka]

..samahani nimetoka nje ya mada...kuhusu masuala ya Ujamaa hayo yana wataalamu wake kama Companero,Mwanakijiji,Mkandara,na Kishoka.

Serpent Generale,

Sisi ni Progressive Wajamaa bwana, usituogope!

 

[Zakumi]

In my own opinion, nyerere was the best President in Africa (though that you may mention any other one you admire); at least he made his footprints, by designing a route a Nation should follow. Ni kiongozi pekee, among Africans, aliweza kuweka bluprint; kwa muelekeo wa Taifa lake. He made it clear that; the writing of Arusha Declaration was not complete and can be amended as generations passed. Wengine hutafsiri kuwa Ujamaa ni Socialism lakini yeye mwenyewe alikataa na kusema it was in African way. Nyerere aliheshimu human rights, na freedom of worship kwa individuals na groups ingawa siasa ya chama kimoja ilimtafsiri kama ni dictator (ingawa ni kweli ali-dictate terms).

Zakumi, mie siyo Mjamaa wala bepari wala nani, na sioni katika maelezo yote uliyoongea hapo juu (na kufuatilia katika topic zako) umeongea appreaciations for other issues which this great thinker did. Watu mnasema ati alifeli kwenye Uchumi; please substnantiate it how did he fail us in economy. Hivi kama Nyerere alifeli katika kutekeleza yale ambayo alianzisha, kwa nini wale waliofuata walishindwa kusahihisha? Mwinyi kama angekuwa na uwezo basi angeweza kabisa in 10 years akasahihisha makosa ya Nyerere. Now make a comparison between the 10 years of Mwinyi and the 23 years of Nyerere when did things go more wrong.Kuna factors kama ulivyosema hapo juu during Nyerere kulikuwa na cold war, demise of EAst African Community, Ukame, Vita ya Uganda nk. Umeacha labda factor nyingine kubwa (ambalo lilikuwa ni kosa la Nyerere; Ukombozi wa Africa) ambapo most of the money was used. Lete sasa zama za Mwinyi; what factors? Mkapa inhrited a government which was bankrupt; with brokenup macro economy system, a country without direction. Mwinyi introduced Azimio La Zanzibar ambalo hadi leo lina tu-haunt.

Believe me, waTanzania wengi tuko wajinga, kama other fellow-Africans; labda tu ni kuwa in a cream of our learders we had only one intelligent man, Mr. Nyerere; we didn't understand his theories and teachings. Na sasa hivi it is too late to go back to the Arusha Delaration and amend it for better reading; our minds are already infested; itabidi turudi kwenye mental slavery ileile ambayo Nyerere alitukuta nayo; and tutakosa wa kumlaumu.

Kuhusu Nyerere kuwa kiongozi bora barani Africa hayo ni maoni yako binafsi. Tuwaachie watu wengine nao wanatafuta ni kiongozi gani bora katika nchi zao.

Vilevile sikutaka mjadala huu uwe wa comparison wa rais gani kafanya nini.

Kuhusu sisi kutoelewa theories and teachings nadhani ilikuwa ni matter of choice. Ni our rights kuchagua ni kitu gani tuelewe na tufuate. Wananchi wengi wakiamka wanafikiria watoto wao watakula nini na sio kuelewa mafundisho ya kisiasa.

Lakini tunaweza kugawanya theories katika makundi matatu. Kuna theories ambazo ni invalid. Kuna theories ambazo zimepitwa na wakati. Na kuna theories zilizotangulia wakati. Hili kuweka heshima ya mwalimu, basi nitasema Nyerere and his therioes were ahead of time.

 

[Zakumi]

Ubuntu/Ujamaamaniac nimechelewa kurudi. Naenda kulala. Ila kwa ufupi Ujamaa ulishaelezwa maana yake na Muasisi wake. Ujamaa ni imani. Ni mtazamo wa kifikra ambao unapinga Ubepari/Unyama wa kimagharibi na Ukomunisti/Ushetani na kimashariki. Nguzo zake kuu zinazotokana na maisha ya asili ya Kiafrika ni 3 - kuheshimu utu (wa kila mtu), kufanya kazi (kwa pamoja) na kugawana mapato (kwa usawa).

1. Ujamaa haukutekelezwa kwenye Kilimo - Dola kwa kutumia NAFCO ilitwaa ardhi ya wakulima na wafugaji na kuyaendesha mashamba kwa mfumo wa 'Ubepari wa Dola'.

2. Ujamaa haukutekelezwa kwenye Utawala - Vijiji vya Kijamaa vya hiari vilivyofanikiwa kama RDA vilifungiwa na Dola na vijiji visivyo vya hiari viliundwa kwa operesheni sogeza.

3. Ujamaa hauu...Itaendelea kesho...usiku mwema...

Ukirudi ukumbini kwanza soma hivi vipande vya Nyerere mwenyewe.


It is essential that we should tighten up industrial discipline. Slackness at work, and failure to give a hard day’s effort in return for wages paid, is a form of exploitations; it is an exploitation of the other members of society. And slackness has undoubtedly increased since the Arusha Declaration was passed. JKN 1977 Arusha Declaration Ten Years After.


Tanzania has very serious problems and very real problems, but socialism isn't the problem. We have good policies, good plans. We have good leadership. JKN 1982 addressing CCM conference


We are poorer now than we were in 1972 JKN December 1981

 

[Companero]

Mkandara:

Naona wengi mnakataa kuwa kilichotokea katika kipindi hiki kilikuwa sio Ujamaa au njia ya kwenda kwenye ujamaa basi nimetumia muda kutafuta kile yeye mwenyewe alichokiandika katika maandiko yake aliyoitwa.SOCIALISM AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT (UJAMAA NA MAENDELEO VIJIJINI). Ukiangalia yale tuliyopitia katika kipindi cha 1967-1981, sijuhi nani atasema kuwa njia ile ilikuwa sio ya ujamaa.



Our agricultural organization would be predominantly that of cooperative living and working for the good of all.

This means that most of our farming would be done by groups of people who live as a community and work as a community. They would live together in a village; they would farm together; market together, and undertake the provision of local services and small local requirements as a community.

Their community would be the traditional family group, or any other group of people living according to UJAMAA principles, large enough to take account of modern methods and the twentieth century needs of man.

The land this community farmed would called ‘our land’ by all the members; the crops they produced on that land would be called ‘our crop’; it would be ‘our shop’ which provided individual members with day-to-day necessities from outside and other buildings were constructed, and so. By Julius Nyerere September 1967

Mashamba ya NAFCO hayakuwa organized hivyo. Wala ranchi za NARCO hazikuwa organized hivyo. Hata yale ma-SISAL PLANTATION hayakuwa organized hivyo. Pia SPM - MGOLOLO haikuwa organized hivyo. Kulikuwa na 'STATE CAPITALIST FARMING'. Na hicho Nyerere ndio alikijutia aliposema:

There are things that I would have done more firmly or not at all. For example, I would not nationalize the sisal plantations. This was a mistake. I did not realize how difficult it would be for the state to manage agriculture. Agriculture is difficult to socialize. I tried to tell my government that what was traditionally the family's in the village social organization should be left with the family, while what was new could be communalized at the village level. The land issue and family holdings were very sensitive. I saw this intellectually but it was hard to translate it into policy implementation. But I still think that in the end Tanzania will return to the values and basic principles of the Arusha Declaration.

Aisee ile warsha haijaisha, ngoja niiwahi maana ina pointi kibao kwa nini hii mifumo yenu ya Uchumi wa Soko inatulostisha tu kuliko Ujamaa, nitajibu hoja/nukuu zako kuhusu alichosema Mwalimu Miaka 10 baada ya Azimio la Arusha nikirudi. Ukipata nakala ya 'Honest to My Country' by Candid Scope kilochochambua hoja za Mwalimu Miaka 10 baada ya Azimio kipitie, kimetulia.

 

[Companero]

Hapa inabidi nirudi kwenye historia kupinga wazo lako. Kwa miaka mingi eneo linalojulikana kama Tanzania lilishamiri biashara ya utumwa. Katika biashara hii familia zilivunjika na wakati huohuo makabila kuchanganyika.

Hivyo kuna waarabu wa Pemba ambao wana damu ya kisukuma, Kinyamwezi, kinyasa hivyo Ujamaa haukufanya watu wa makabila mbalimbali kuoana. Kuoana ilishakuwa tabia yetu.

Ujio wa wangoni ulisababisha vita mikoa ya kusini. Watu walichanganyika vilevile.

Vita vya majimaji vilichanganya watu sana. Na bado makabila mengi yalipigana yalipigana vita kumpinga mjerumani.

Je unajua kuwa mmoja wa dada zake Mkwawa aliolewa na Mnyamwezi aliyeishi Uheheni. Je unajua kuwa Mkwawa Mwenyewe aliishi Ugogoni. Je unajua kuwa Mirambo alilelewa na wangoni.

Je unajua kuwa Mirambo alikuwa anafanya biashara na Kabaka wa Uganda.

Ukienda Tarime ugomvi mkubwa ni kati ya koo za kikurya na sio waKurya na makabila mengine.

Makabila ya Tanzaia hayakuishi kwenye isolation na kusubiri ujamaa kutuunganisha. We were mobile people and risk takers.

Asante kwa kuthibitisha hoja ya Nyerere kuwa Ujamaa ni asili yetu toka zamani.

 

[Mtanganyika]

Ujamaa ulikuwa ni mfumo ambao mwalimu aliamini kwamba hakukua na chaguo jingine kwa nchi masikini kama Tanzania. Mwalimu aliamini ya kwamba kupata Uhuru pekee kutaweza kusababisha pia Tanzania kusimama kiuchumi, katika maandiko yake mwenye "Third World Negosiation Strategy" Mwalimu anasema " Tumeanza kufahamu ya kwamba uhuru wa kiasiasa hautoshi. Lazima uwe na uhuru wa kiuchumi....."

Uchumi ni jambo ambalo liko very complex, namwalimu hakuwa mtaalamu wa jambo hili. Hata hivyo katika upande mwingine wa shilingi, Mwalimu hakuwa na machaguo mengi ya kufanya. Mwalimu aliachiwa nchi ambayo inategemea kusafirisha malighafi ili ijiendeshe (mfumo mbovu kabisa wa kuendesha uchumi). Na vile vile nchi za magharibi zilikuwa zinanguvu ya kucontrol bei ya malighafi zetu. Lakini sisi hatukuwa na nguvu ya kubargain bei ya bidhaa zao, mfano 1970s mafuta yalipopanda bei ya matrekta na vitu vingine nayo ilipanda, lakini bei ya mkonge ilibaki pale pale.

Lawama zangu kwa mwalimu sio ujamaa, bali namlaaumu mwalim kwa kutuzalishia hawa wezi tulio nao leo (Mafisadi). Mfumo mbovu wa sheria ndio umetufikisha hapa tulipo leo.

Swali kubwa ni Jee tutanakwenda wapi? Jee Tanzania inaweza kusimama kiuchumi kiasi kwamba Kibwana nae akafurahia ukuwaji wa 7%? Nadhani haya ni maswali ambayo inabidi tujiulize, huku tukitazama tulipo toka, tulipo na tunapokwenda.

 

[Rev. Kishoka]

Zakumi,

Kwenye kupekenyua kwangu mtandao, nimekutana na hiki kipande ambacho kimeandikwa kuwa ni hotuba ya Nyerere aliyotoa mwaka 1980.

Sina uhakika aliyeiandika au aliyeichapa kwenye kurasa zake aliipata wapi, nami nanukuu na kutia jina kapuni ya nilikoitoa.

Beginning of Nyerere’s speech:

“Your excellencies: Tanzania needs peace-in Africa and elsewhere. But the major economic problems which have preoccupied us in recent months, and which darken the coming year, were not caused by the war against Amin's Uganda, nor the African struggle for freedom. These make things worse; they added to the strain on our resources and deflected our attention at an important time. But we were experiencing inflation before October 1978; our balance of payments was in serious deficit before that war; oil price increases have nothing to do with events in East or southern Africa.These externally caused problems are obvious, and so is our need for an injection of balance of payments support.



What recently became equally obvious to me but nevertheless strange and repugnant was the attempt by the International Monetary Fund to exploit those difficulties in order to interfere with the management of our economy.



The IMF always lays down conditions for using any of its facilities. We therefore expected that there would be certain conditions imposed should we desire to use the IMF Extended Fund Facility. But we expected these conditions to be non-ideological, and related to ensuring that money lent to us is not wasted, pocketed by political leaders or bureaucrats used to build private villas at home or abroad, or deposited in private Swiss Bank accounts.
We also accepted that we could justly be asked how we were planning to deal with the problem in the medium or longer term. We could then have accepted or rejected such conditions, but we would not have felt it necessary to make a strong and public protest.


Tanzania is not prepared to devalue its currency just because this is a traditional free market solution to everything and regardless of the merits of our position. It is not prepared to surrender its right to restrict imports by measures designed to ensure that we import quinine rather than cosmetics, or buses rather than cars for the elite.



My Government is not prepared to give up our national endeavour to provide primary education for every child, basic medicines and some clean water for all our people. Cuts may have to be made in our national expenditure, but we will decide whether they fall on public services or private expenditure. Nor are we prepared to deal with inflation and shortages by relying only on monetary policy regardless of its relative effect on the poorest and less poor.


Our price control machinery may not be the most effective in the world, but we will not abandon price control; we will only strive to make it more efficient. And above all, we shall continue with our endeavours to build a socialist society.



When an international institution refuses us access to the international credit at its disposal except on condition that we surrender to it our policy determination, then we make no application for that credit. The choice is theirs-and ours. But such conditions do reinforce our conviction about the importance of the Third World demand for changes in the management structure of the IMF. It needs to be made really international, and really an instrument of all its members, rather than a device by which powerful economic forces in some rich countries increase their power over the poor nations of the world.


There was a time when a number of people were urging that all aid to the Third World countries should be channeled through nternational institutions. They honestly believed that such institutions would be politically and ideologically neutral. I do not know whether there are now people who honestly believe that the IMF is politically or ideologically neutral. It has an ideology of economic and social development which it is trying to impose on poor countries irrespective of their own clearly stated policies. And when we reject IMF conditions we hear the threatening whisper.
'Without accepting our conditions you will not get our money, and you will get no other money'. Indeed we have already heard hints from some quarters that money or credit will not be made available to us until we have reached an understanding with the IMF.
When did the IMF become an International Ministry of Finance? When did nations agree to surrender to it their power of decision making?



Your Excellencies: It is this growing power of the IMF and the irresponsible and arrogant way in which it is being wielded against the Poor that has forced me to use my opportunity to make these unusual remarks in a New Year Speech to you. The problems of my country and other Third World countries are grave enough without the political interference of IMF officials. If they cannot help at the very least they should stop meddling.I have made it repeatedly clear to my own countrymen, however, that whatever decisions are made by us, and by our friends, 1980 is going to be a very difficult year for Tanzania. I believe that when they understand the problem our people will respond to this economic challenge as they have responded to other challenges in the past.
I believe they will bear the further sacrifices, and further burdens, which present conditions impose upon us just as long as they are assured that we are doing our best to share the burdens equitably, and continuing to pursue our own policies.”

 

[Zakumi]

Ujamaa ulikuwa ni mfumo ambao mwalimu aliamini kwamba hakukua na chaguo jingine kwa nchi masikini kama Tanzania. Mwalimu aliamini ya kwamba kupata Uhuru pekee kutaweza kusababisha pia Tanzania kusimama kiuchumi, katika maandiko yake mwenye "Third World Negosiation Strategy" Mwalimu anasema " Tumeanza kufahamu ya kwamba uhuru wa kiasiasa hautoshi. Lazima uwe na uhuru wa kiuchumi....."

Uchumi ni jambo ambalo liko very complex, namwalimu hakuwa mtaalamu wa jambo hili. Hata hivyo katika upande mwingine wa shilingi, Mwalimu hakuwa na machaguo mengi ya kufanya. Mwalimu aliachiwa nchi ambayo inategemea kusafirisha malighafi ili ijiendeshe (mfumo mbovu kabisa wa kuendesha uchumi). Na vile vile nchi za magharibi zilikuwa zinanguvu ya kucontrol bei ya malighafi zetu. Lakini sisi hatukuwa na nguvu ya kubargain bei ya bidhaa zao, mfano 1970s mafuta yalipopanda bei ya matrekta na vitu vingine nayo ilipanda, lakini bei ya mkonge ilibaki pale pale.

Lawama zangu kwa mwalimu sio ujamaa, bali namlaaumu mwalim kwa kutuzalishia hawa wezi tulio nao leo (Mafisadi). Mfumo mbovu wa sheria ndio umetufikisha hapa tulipo leo.

Swali kubwa ni Jee tutanakwenda wapi? Jee Tanzania inaweza kusimama kiuchumi kiasi kwamba Kibwana nae akafurahia ukuwaji wa 7%? Nadhani haya ni maswali ambayo inabidi tujiulize, huku tukitazama tulipo toka, tulipo na tunapokwenda.

Mtanganyika:

Nakubaliana na overview ya points zako. Lakini inabidi tuliangalie swala la nchi za tajiri ku-control bei kwa makini sana. Ama sivyo tutakuwa tu-argue points ambazo hazi-exist.

Kuna vitu viwili vya kuangalia. Kitu cha kwanza, uchumi wetu unategemea kuuza commodities, kahawa, chai, dhahabu na vitu vingine.

Kutoka na uchumi ulivyo mbaya hapa, nimepunguza matumizi yangu. Nimepunguza kunywa kahawa kutoka Starbucks. Nimepunguza manunuzi ya nguo. Nimepunguza matumizi ya gari langu. Nimeacha kula fast food au kwenye restaurants na najipikia mwenyewe. Actions zangu nilizofanya zinambana mzalishaji wa commodities ata aliyekuwepo Tanzania.

Hivyo ukisema nchi za magharibi zina-control price ya commodities, unakuwa sio mkweli kamili. Kama uchumi wa nchi za magharibi unayumba, watu watapunguza kunywa kahawa, chai au kununua maua.

Kitu cha pili ni nchi za magharibi kutoa ruzuku kwa wakulima wao na kufanya bei ya bidhaa zetu kuwa za bei ya juu. Hili siwezi kufanya speculation yoyote hile.

Cha muhimu ni lazima wachumi, wanasiasa na policy markers wetu waelewe vitu hivi na wawe na mbinu za kukabiliana navyo. Na njia moja ni kuwa na reserve pale uchumi unapokuwa mzuri.

Kuhusu kupanda kwa gharama ya matrekta hiyo sio sahii kabisa. Bei za machinery zimepungua kwa kiasa kikubwa duniani. Breakthrough katika technologies imewezesha vitu kama matrekta kuwa bei ya chini.

Katika kipindi hicho hicho tulichokuwa tunalalamika nchi za Asia zimeweza kuongeza uzalishaji kwa zaidi ya mara mbili.

 

[Companero]

Zakumi,

Kwenye kupekenyua kwangu mtandao, nimekutana na hiki kipande ambacho kimeandikwa kuwa ni hotuba ya Nyerere aliyotoa mwaka 1980.

Sina uhakika aliyeiandika au aliyeichapa kwenye kurasa zake aliipata wapi, nami nanukuu na kutia jina kapuni ya nilikoitoa.

Mkuu hiyo hotuba kali ya Mwalimu aliitoa kwenye Kongamano lililoitwa ' South-North Conference on the International Monetary System and the New International Order' pale AICC, Arusha ambapo walitoa tamko la 'The Arusha Initiative: The Callfor a United Nations Conference on International Money and Finance'. Katika kongamano hili kichwa Justinian Rweyemamu naye alitoa mada nzito ya 'Restructuring the International Monetary System'.

Hiyo hotuba ya Nyerere ilikuwa na kichwa hichi: "No to IMF Meddling: President Nyerere's New Year Message 1980 to the Diplomats accredited to Tanzania'. Humo ndipo aliponena haya maneno mazito "When did the IMF become an International Ministry of Finance?" na kuhoji "When did nations agree to surrender to it their power of decision making?". Haya ndio maswali ambayo tulitakiwa tuyaulize majuzi pale Kilimanjaro Kempiski!

P.S. Hotuba hiyo imechapishwa kwenye Development Dialogue 1980:2

 

[JokaKuu]

Rev.Kishoka,

..ukiondoa jina Tanzania kwenye hiyo hotuba unaweza kusema imetolewa na Mzee Robert Gabriel Mugabe.

..nadhani it was immature kugombana na hawa jamaa na kusababisha wananchi kupata shida.

..kwa mtizamo wangu kiongozi ambaye nchi yake haina MAFUTA hapaswi kutoa hotuba ya namna hiyo.

 

[Zakumi]

Zakumi,

Kwenye kupekenyua kwangu mtandao, nimekutana na hiki kipande ambacho kimeandikwa kuwa ni hotuba ya Nyerere aliyotoa mwaka 1980.

Sina uhakika aliyeiandika au aliyeichapa kwenye kurasa zake aliipata wapi, nami nanukuu na kutia jina kapuni ya nilikoitoa.

Rev. Kishoka:

Kulijibu swali lako itabidi nitoe historia kidogo. Baada ya vita vya pili vya dunia na mafanikio ya Marshall plan kuisaida Europe, waChumi wakaanza kufikiria kuwa nchi za magharibi zikitoa sehemu ndogo ya mapato yao na kusaidia nchi masikini kama vile Tanzania basi nchi hizo masikini zinaweza kukuza uchumi wao na baadaye kujitegemea. Na kuna mathematical model inayotumika kuangalia ni kiasa gani nchi zilizoendelea kutoa.

Tanzania kutokana na blue prints zake iliongoza kwenye kwa kupewa misaada. Katika kipindi cha 1968-1981, Tanzania ilipata 3 Billion USd. Na mpaka kufikia 1981 kwa mwaka tulikuwa tunapokea 600 Million kwa mwaka.

Sasa ni lazima tuangalie mtazamo wa wale wanaotusaidia katika hoja hizi. Je wao walikuwa na mtazamo gani.

Mtazamo wao ulikuwa ni Economic Growth. Hicho ndicho walichotegemea kutoka kwetu. Suala la sisi kuwa na mabomba ya maji, zahanati, elimu ya bure bila na kuwa na economic growth don't attract donors. Hili uweze ku-sustain huduma za jamii ni lazima uwe na Economic Growth (period). Kama huna economic growth, utaendelea kuomba omba tu.

Hivyo kufikia 80s, First generation ya misaada kwa nchi masikini ikawa imefikia kikomo kwa masikitiko kuwa misaada haikuweza kufanya uchumi wa nchi Hivyo ikaanza Generation ya pili ya misaada. Generation ya pili inasema kuwa masikini kukua, misaada ni lazima iendane na private investments. Ni lazima misaada iambatane na reforms itakayowezesha private investments. Mgogoro kati ya World bank, IMF na Nyerere hupo hapa. World Bank, IMF na wahisani walichakubali kuwa serikali za nchi masikini haziwezi kuongoza nchi zao kutoka umasikini bila private investments. Lakini Nyerere bado alikuwa kwenye first Generation ya misaada. Alitaka serikali kuwa ndio chanzo cha economic growth.

Generation ya pili ilikwenda miaka ya mwishoni mwa 90s. Sasa hivi ni generation ya tatu ya misaada ambayo inajumlisha vitu vitatu muhimu. Misaada, private investment, na good governance.

Papers zimeshaanza kutoka kuonyesha kuwa good govername inaweza pia isiwe dawa ya Economic growth.

Haya ndio yangu kuhusu hotuba ya Nyerere. Wahisani tayari walisha-change gear.

 

[Zakumi]

Mkuu hiyo hotuba kali ya Mwalimu aliitoa kwenye Kongamano lililoitwa ' South-North Conference on the International Monetary System and the New International Order' pale AICC, Arusha ambapo walitoa tamko la 'The Arusha Initiative: The Callfor a United Nations Conference on International Money and Finance'. Katika kongamano hili kichwa Justinian Rweyemamu naye alitoa mada nzito ya 'Restructuring the International Monetary System'.

Hiyo hotuba ya Nyerere ilikuwa na kichwa hichi: "No to IMF Meddling: President Nyerere's New Year Message 1980 to the Diplomats accredited to Tanzania'. Humo ndipo aliponena haya maneno mazito "When did the IMF become an International Ministry of Finance?" na kuhoji "When did nations agree to surrender to it their power of decision making?". Haya ndio maswali ambayo tulitakiwa tuyaulize majuzi pale Kilimanjaro Kempiski!

P.S. Hotuba hiyo imechapishwa kwenye Development Dialogue 1980:2

Kwanini waChina hawaulizi 'Restructuring the International Monetary System'.?

Nchi nyingi zinazopiga kelele ni kwa sababu zinategemea misaada.

 

[Mkandara]

Zakumi na Jokakuu,
wakuu, mnaweza sana kumbeza mwalimu na kulaumu yote haya lakini kama kweli mnawafahamu watu hawa nadhani msingesema yote haya..
sasa turudi ktk hali halisi..sasa hivi nchi za magharibi zinayumba kiuchumi. Na ni hawa waliotuletea sote Globalization.. sasa waulize watu hawa hawa ni wangapi wanachukia kuona vitu toka nje vikiuzwa madukani mwao!.. asilimia kubwa ya wananchi wa nchi hizi wanapiga vita vikali tena kuna watu hutukana kabisaa.....
leo Globalization imekuwa chumi inayopigwa vita wna wao wenyewe wakati sisi nchi maskini tumeingizwa bila kupenda..Tena basi wachumi wanaandika na vitabu kuonyesha jinsi mfumo huu unavyoharibu uchumi mzima wa nchi tajiri.. Lakini mwalimu alipotumia sababu kama zao ktk kulinda maslahi ya nchi zetu maskini alionekana mchawi..
Kuna jamaa kasema ati wakinunua nguo, fedha inaenda China, wakinunua Pc fedha inaenda India, vyakula fedha inakwenda Mexico..leo hii nimeona sticker ktk gari moja ikisema - Have lost your job yet?... Buy foreign!..
Haya ni maneno mazito sana na kampeni moja chafu sana (siasa) kama utaifikiria ujumbe kama huu unawafikia watu wangapi..
Kwa hiyo mkuu wangu tuwe wakweli na tufahamu tunapokwenda bila kusahau tunakotoka..Muhimu zaidi ni sisi kuwa wajanja pia, kupanga vipaumbele vyetu kulingana na mahitaji yetu kwani hakuna rafiki inapofikia maswala ya ngawila..
Ubepari maana yake ni Fedha mbele ya kila kitu na Think of Yourself ahead of everyone kwani usipojiweza wewe hakuna tena biashara.

 

[Zakumi]

Zakumi na Jokakuu,
wakuu, mnaweza sana kumbeza mwalimu na kulaumu yote haya lakini kama kweli mnawafahamu watu hawa nadhani msingesema yote haya..
sasa turudi ktk hali halisi..sasa hivi nchi za magharibi zinayumba kiuchumi. Na ni hawa waliotuletea sote Globalization.. sasa waulize watu hawa hawa ni wangapi wanachukia kuona vitu toka nje vikiuzwa madukani mwao!.. asilimia kubwa ya wananchi wa nchi hizi wanapiga vita vikali tena kuna watu hutukana kabisaa.....
leo Globalization imekuwa chumi inayopigwa vita wna wao wenyewe wakati sisi nchi maskini tumeingizwa bila kupenda..Tena basi wachumi wanaandika na vitabu kuonyesha jinsi mfumo huu unavyoharibu uchumi mzima wa nchi tajiri.. Lakini mwalimu alipotumia sababu kama zao ktk kulinda maslahi ya nchi zetu maskini alionekana mchawi..
Kuna jamaa kasema ati wakinunua nguo, fedha inaenda China, wakinunua Pc fedha inaenda India, vyakula fedha inakwenda Mexico..leo hii nimeona sticker ktk gari moja ikisema - Have lost your job yet?... Buy foreign!..
Haya ni maneno mazito sana na kampeni moja chafu sana (siasa) kama utaifikiria ujumbe kama huu unawafikia watu wangapi..
Kwa hiyo mkuu wangu tuwe wakweli na tufahamu tunapokwenda bila kusahau tunakotoka..Muhimu zaidi ni sisi kuwa wajanja pia, kupanga vipaumbele vyetu kulingana na mahitaji yetu kwani hakuna rafiki inapofikia maswala ya ngawila..
Ubepari maana yake ni Fedha mbele ya kila kitu na Think of Yourself ahead of everyone kwani usipojiweza wewe hakuna tena biashara.

Mkandara naomba soma tena posti yangu niliyomjibu Kishoka. Nimeeleza kuhusu generation tatu za misaada walizotoa mabepari kwa nchi masikini na mtazamo wao kuhusu sisi.

Haitatosha kupiga kelele kuwa wao ni Axis of Evil wakati huna mikakati yako binafsi ya kubadilika.

 

[Mkandara]

Zakumi,

Haitatosha kupiga kelele kuwa wao ni Axis of Evil wakati huna mikakati yako binafsi ya kubadilika.________________

Mkuu hapa kidogo umeniacha nje.. Unapopiga kelele kuwa wao ni Axis of Evil unatakiwa wewe tena ndio ubadilike?..vipi tena mkuu wangu huoni kama hii haikukaa vizuri!..wakati wewe ni msafi ubadilike nini tena?..
I mean kama mtu mwingine ni shetani iweje tena wewe ubadilike ili uwe kitu gani!..shetani kama yeye!.. hapo sijakuelewa hapo..nachofahamu mimi unatakiwa wewe kujilinda na kuacha kupiga kelele, pia sio lazima ushambulie..
Na nadhani ndilo tatizo kubwa la mjadala huu ktk maono yetu..Nachopongeza mimi ni kinga aloweka mwalimu akijua hawa jamaa hawana maana kabisa zaidi ya ukoloni mamboleo na Unachosema wewe kwa mtazamo wangu kinaelekea msemo wa kwamba kama humwezi shetani ni bora Um join..Sasa mwenzako sala tano inakuwa kazi kukubali kujiunga na shetani kwa faida ya hapa duniani (muda mfupi...)

 

[zomba]

Zakumi,
Hata kidogo, hatukupoteza ile miaka ya Nyerere, first of all Ujamaa haukubuniwa kama ni socialist/communist way; ilifuata mila na jadi za kwetu. It was about the African way; and in the first decade nyerere made his best. He built industries which you also mentioned and gave it to the people. The mistake Nyerere did was Nationalization of Agriculture and leaving the segment of farmers/peasants unmanaged.
Believe me, after Nyerere we needed a Sokoine factor; he was the man to take over and correct all mistakes which were made in Nyerere era. The "destroyer" of the system was Mr. Mwinyi; he didn't know what he was doing!

Mbona husemi factors zilizowahamisha watu kutoka makazi ya asili kwa nguvu na kuwapeleka maporini waanzishe vijiji visivyokuwepo kabla? na madhara yaliyowakuta katika hilo?

Mwinyi kaingia, Nyerere yashamshinda zamani na akajuwa hana pakutokea zaidi ya kung'atuka.

Leo unataka kumlaumu mtu ambae anaingia kwenye kuiongoza nchi hakuna hata mafuta ya taa? na anatatuwa tatizo!


Leo unataka kumlaumu mtu ambae anaingia kwenye kuiongoza nchi hakuna hata senti BOT na imechomwa moto? anatatuwa tatizo!


Leo unataka kumlaumu mtu ambae anaingia kwenye kuiongoza nchi hakuna hata dawa ya meno madukani? anatatuwa tatizo!

Na, na, na, na, unayajuwa! ni mengi sana sina haja ya kuyaandika yote. Nakuomba rejea speech ya mikuki miwili ya Mwinyi aliyoitoa wakati akiongea na wazee wa Dar pale Diamond Jubilee utajuwa ni uozo gani aliourithi Mwinyi kutoka kwa Nyerere.

Hivi sisi kwa nini hatupendi kuukubali ukweli unaoonekana wazi kabisa na tunataka ku twist na kutowa sababu za kusadikika? haya ndio mambo ya kutetea ukipendacho, hata kama ni chongo wewe utasema kengeza.