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Kikwete's obsession with a bloated cabinet exposes a weakened president

Discussion in 'Jukwaa la Siasa' started by Rutashubanyuma, May 27, 2012.

  1. Rutashubanyuma

    Rutashubanyuma JF-Expert Member

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    A direct correlation between the size of the cabinet and the institution of presidency remains vague, unresearched and least understood. The larger the size of the cabinet the weaker the appointing authority tends to be because the president is caving in to parliamentary interests that rarely converge with larger issues of executive arm of government to run the nation.


    MPs are the ones forming the cabinet, and they owe their allegiance to voters in their constituents. The political survival of the MPs depends on their ability to pull national resources to their respective constituents. We being selfish seldom ask our collective conscious where our MP gets his cake to feed upon our constituent whereby the chances are he ought to have denied other constituents in order to fill our hungry bellies! Out of this, every MP relishes an opportunity to serve as a minister where (s )he will grab the chance to misallocate national resources to his/her respective constituent. Those MPs who are unlucky to get a presidential pat on the back to serve in the cabinet become political orphans and their only way to the high table is to be critical of government policy and its implementation during parliamentary debates hoping to attract attention of fellow MPs masquerading as minister who are now dangling and swirling a morsel of bread and a piece of silver from the presidential high table! Ensuing from this, Ministers are coerced to appoint fellow MPs in the parastatal Board of Directors where the only qualification that matters is how close the individual MP is to the appointing authority! Whether it is placating MPs to serve as R.Cs or D.Cs, the political nepotism that CCM has perfected over five decades seems to have survived all efforts to reform our public service. It has reached a point where CCM owe her ultimate survival upon the politics of affectation than the latter needing CCM for the same survival!

    However as more unqualified MPs saturate our public sector the performance of the executive tends to nosedive and the general public blame the executive president for a failure to ameliorate public sector performance. On equal footing since the House is now both an overseer and an implementer of government policy, the constitutional imperatives of checking and balancing the executive arm of the government becomes obsolete and ineffective. Any strong, serious president will persevere to shrug off parliamentarian forays unto executive positions in the government but the degree to which a sitting president cave in into unabashed solicitations from parliamentarians for executive jobs is a confirmatory signature to what extent power has ebbed away from a sitting president and he should be regarded too weak to influence public policy. And Kikwete's recalcitrance to reduce the size of the government in his seven years of uninterrupted administration impeaches him as a much weakened president.

    Borrowing from Nyerere's misconception of the rule of law we learn that Nyerere justified his legitimacy on the number of votes he garnered in each subsequent election in comparison to individual MPs! Nyerere would often brag that more voters had tapped him than any individual MP hence he had more legitimacy to govern than the House! While it was true any president will collect more votes than any other MP but since MPs are limited by geographical realities it was futile to make such comparisons in the first place. A logical comparison between the president and the House in reference to legitimacy and hence authority to govern has to be spelt out from collective votes of members of the House relative to what the president has also collected at the ballot box, where a geographical parameter is the same in either scenario. The other source of comparative argument ought to be how much will the institution of presidency needs to draw her legitimacy by allowing the House encroaching to executive authority as a strategy of survival and vice versa. If the executive yields to the House and permit her to allot to herself more executive powers that alone ought to mean the executive has lost her legitimacy to lead, altogether.

    Because of the parliamentarian corruption of the executive, the sordidness with which our government runs the public sector has yielded the worst scandals in our history and few in the CCM MPs are willing to address those scams. Historically, when scandals germinate the House cry foul and demand ministerial heads to roll as if by doing that the invisible gods will be appeased and such incredulous comport will cease from the face of the government! But learning from the same history, it is clear that cabinet perennial reshuffles are at best window dressing and at worst misleading the general public something is being done while in reality nothing of substance is being done, at all.

    Unless the House is proscribed from running the executive, we ought to expect MPs camouflaged as ministers to repeat all of the past scams and even creating bigger graft storms for the purposes and intents of holding their constituents where the real conflict of interests lie.
     
  2. E

    Elizabeth Dominic Platinum Member

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    The question I think lies in Kikwete himself, does he know what he is doing? Is he delusional?
    Yeye mwenyewe anatambua kile anachofanya? Tusiangalie the end result bali tujue wapi kumeanzia, nafikiri the new Constitution applies here but even before we get to that i think ni vyema tujue kwanini Rais amejikuta in such position kuna ulterior motive hapa?
     
  3. Rutashubanyuma

    Rutashubanyuma JF-Expert Member

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    Ni kweli lemonade. He is a victim of sectarian interests that he has failed to control...........
     
  4. Jack G

    Jack G Member

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    I am really impressed by ur analysis of Tanzania's legislative-executive r'ships. I concur with you that this, to a big extent has contributed to the gradual forming of a weak Governance Machinery in the country. Not so far from what Lemonade said, given the the Predominance nature of the Executive arm and due to too much power constituted in the institution of Presidency; my simple conclusion will be that our "Number One -JK" has demonstrated such a highly weak leadership personality - building his arsenals on the political patronage while lacking firm vision and passion for change.

    Let's take an example of the 1st phase Presidency; deliberately, Mwalimu avoided certain legislations (the most famous example being omission of bill of rights in our constitution until mid 1880s) yet due to his demonstrated strong leadership personality, the level of human justice and administrative justice have comparatively been rated high. Well, the political landscape has changed quite a lot, but the weakness of our current Presidency too open to be exploited. This to me explains as to why our public sector officials have created kingdoms around themselves, playing their cards against the common man's public etc. In a nutshell, whatever the case may be; most of the loopholes emanating from legislative-executive dynamics are the obvious indicators of too poor the institute of presidency. This at least holds as per the current constitution which provides us with imperial presidency.
     
  5. Njilembera

    Njilembera JF-Expert Member

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    I like your choice of words! This makes a great reading! However, it is not Kikwete's failure to control the sectarian interests only but the continued re-creation of such interests and his aloofness to wake-up calls by your kind! Bravo, excellent piece!
     
  6. Jack G

    Jack G Member

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    Which again suggests that Presidency is beyond Political tactics. Sectarianism is normally an agenda for soliciting support mainly used by those who lack political agenda to influence the electorates. They opt for divisionism and spoiling of opponents' reputations. This is what happens as their fate, cheap politics is costly
     
  7. Rutashubanyuma

    Rutashubanyuma JF-Expert Member

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    Jack G.........thanks for you input
     
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  8. Rutashubanyuma

    Rutashubanyuma JF-Expert Member

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    Noted with gratitude[MENTION] Njilembera[/MENTION]
     
  9. Rutashubanyuma

    Rutashubanyuma JF-Expert Member

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    you are right Jack G........what we have is an obsession with parochial tactics rather than strategic ones..........
     
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  10. Jack G

    Jack G Member

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    Sure, that's indeed well said. It's a political shortsightedness that does not have national interests at heart. These individuals tactic around and within electoral intervals. a common practice to most of our developing states, that's why the strategic nations continue taking advantage of these loopholes.
     
  11. Mziba

    Mziba JF-Expert Member

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    This article, though articulately written, it is not a new revelation. The system matrix designed as such. Sometimes, one asks what kind of Baba wa Taifa was he. The concecutive leader have mentored by him. It begs a question about the mentor based on the mentoree's perfomance. No wonder they dont wanna talk about him. But that is a different topic all together, my friend.

    The question is why is the public so blind about these things. Many africa states are under subsidized budget. Who give them funds to supplement their budget? and why do they give it. what do they getting in return. What if they stop giving it? and Why don't they want to know to where their funds is going?

    According article "Nyerere would often brag that more voters had tapped him than any individual MP hence he had more legitimacy to govern than the House! " It is there fore the power is belong to the people, why do the presidents reverse the order and attempt to derived power from MPs. The thing is that Nyerere had a lots of power and he knew what to do with it.

    In the end it's the public and those who control the media to blame. and Ruta, he is neither weak nor a victim of this vicious circle of sectarian interest.
     
  12. Sumba-Wanga

    Sumba-Wanga JF-Expert Member

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    Kama ningekuwa Kikwete........?????
     
  13. Rutashubanyuma

    Rutashubanyuma JF-Expert Member

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    Jack G as you mentioned early a new constitution ought to spell out the severance of Parliament from the executive functions in persona not in general terms as it is now.
     
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  14. Rutashubanyuma

    Rutashubanyuma JF-Expert Member

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    Okada malizia ungelifanyaje hapo?
     
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  15. Sumba-Wanga

    Sumba-Wanga JF-Expert Member

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    I am rather confused.
    Sina hakika kama alijua ugumu wa kazi aliyokuwa anaitafuta kwa udi na uvumba...
    Sina hakika anafikiria nini kipindi kama hiki ambacho wananchi wanalalamikia ahadi zake za maisha bora
    Sina hakika kama ana second thought....
     
  16. Rutashubanyuma

    Rutashubanyuma JF-Expert Member

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    Mziba If Kikwete is not a hostage of sectarian interests who else is he not to act decisively and end the circle of oficial embezzlement of public funds?
     
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  17. Rutashubanyuma

    Rutashubanyuma JF-Expert Member

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    Okada haya unayoyasema kama ni kweli ilikuwaje awe kwenye baraza la mawaziri kwa miaka 17 hata asijue kazi ya bozi wake ikoje? Wasiwasi wangu ni kuwa hana uwezo.........he was just overambitious only and nothing less..............
     
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  18. Sumba-Wanga

    Sumba-Wanga JF-Expert Member

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    Probably you are right, mambo ya vijiweni.
    Lakini ni fundisho tosha kwa wengine.
     
  19. Rutashubanyuma

    Rutashubanyuma JF-Expert Member

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    Okada tatizo l amfumo uliopo hauwezi kamwe kuzaa viongozi watakaotufaa zaidi ya hawa tunaowaona.labda kama katiba mpya itabadili mfumo mzima wa upatikanaji wa viongozi vinginevyo vilaza wataendelea kututesa.....kama huyo Shibuda alifikaje hata kuwa Mbunge ......is anybody's guess............
     
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  20. PatPending

    PatPending JF-Expert Member

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    Ruta, is this an examination of JK's strength within the political spectrum or a ruling system imposed by a rigid and outdated constitution? Given the rather mixed literature on size and performance, shouldn't the debate be on the quality of government's contribution rather than on the number of politicians filling up the cabinet? Additionally, the argument of whether or not JK consolidates power through enhanced clientelism, should be secondary to the mechanisms in place facilitating the observed rent-seeking undermining the fundamental essence of participatory democracy, the fulfillment of the social contract.

    There is an inherent need to capitalize on the ongoing constitution review process to effectively commit successive presidents to the greater needs of the electorate instead of providing them freedom to serve their party needs.
     
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