KATIBA: CCT yawasha moto

Haya Makanisa tuyaangalie sana, ndio chanzo cha chokochoko za umwagaji damu, hata Rwanda, kanisa lilikuwa ndio chanzo cha mauaji ya kimbari, soma:

Rwanda

Genocide and the role of the Church in Rwanda

What exactly was the role of the Catholic Church in the Rwandan
genocide? NDAHIRO TOM, a Rwandan human rights commissioner, paints a picture of deep historical and political complicity and calls for the Church to restore its credibility by contributing to the process of justice.

16 April 2005 - Ndahiro Tom (A Commissioner of Human Rights in Rwanda.)

Source: PAMBAZUKA
Pambazuka News

Why do they eat my people as they eat bread? (Psalm 14)

All over Rwandan hills, valleys and mountains, thousands of crosses
mark mass graves of genocide victims of 1994. During the genocide, many
Tutsis were massacred in or around places of worship, including Catholic churches – paradoxically, in a country which was the most Christianised in Africa, with Christians representing more than 80% of the population. Catholic bishops in Rwanda have sometimes claimed that all Rwandans believe in God. (Kinyamateka, No. 1614, January 2003, pg. 6) There are hundreds of churches and chapels everywhere and almost every day followers repeatedly recite the prayer, “Our Father who art in heaven”, pleading with the Father to deliver them from evil (Matthew 6:13). From where, then, did the malevolence at the root of the genocide come? How and by whom could it have been overcome? Part of the answer to these questions is the Church and its members.

According to Jean-Pierre Karegeye, a Jesuit priest, genocide is morally hideous, an evil expressed in forgetting God, and hence a new form of atheism. Karegeye asks several pertinent questions which merit consideration: “Christians killing other Christians? How could Rwandan
Christians who manifested commitment to their faith have acted with
such intense cruelty? How did ordinary people come to commit extraordinary evil…? Does the sin of genocide disturb the relationship between God and the perpetrators in official Catholic Church discourse? How can we explain the strange situation of priests involved in the crimes of genocide who are still running parishes in Western countries? Why are they protected by the Vatican against any legal proceedings?” He concludes: “The Church’s attitude towards genocide seems to suggest that the hierarchy of religious values is not usually in proportion to the hierarchy of moral standards.”

Generally, in Rwanda, the leadership of the Christian churches, especially that of the Catholic Church, played a central role in the creation and furtherance of racist ideology. They fostered a system which Europeans introduced and they encouraged. The building blocks of this ideology were numerous, but one can mention a few – first, the racist vision of Rwandan society that the missionaries and colonialists imposed by developing the thesis about which groups came first and last to populate the country (the Hamitic and Bantu myths); second, by rigidly controlling historical and anthropological research; third, by reconfiguring Rwandan society through the manipulation of ethnic identities (from their vague socio-political nature in the pre-colonial period, these identities gradually became racial). From the late 1950s, some concepts became distorted: thus democracy became numerical
democracy or demographic.

The philosophy of ‘rubanda nyamwinshi’ a Kinyarwanda expression, which
politically came to mean ‘the Hutu majority’, prevailed after the so-called social revolution of 1959 ignored the basic tenets of democracy. In my view, recurrent genocides in Rwanda since 1959 were meant to maintain the ‘Hutu majority’ in power, by killing the Tutsi. Distributive justice became equivalent to regional and ethnic quotas; and revolution came to mean legitimised genocide of the Tutsis.

Church authorities contributed to the spread of racist theories mainly
through the schools and seminaries over which they exercised control. The elite who ruled the country after independence trained in these schools. According to Church historian Paul Rutayisire, the stereotypes used by the Hutu-dominated Rwandan government to dehumanise Tutsis, were also spread by some influential clergymen, bishops and priests, before and after the genocide. The Catholic Church and colonial powers orked together in organizing racist political groups like the Party for the Emancipation of the Hutu (Parmehutu).

Mouvement Révolutionnaire National pour le Dévelopment (MRND) was the
party which in the mid-1970s had introduced and institutionalised policies of racial discrimination which they termed “équilibre éthnique et régional” (ethnic and regional equilibrium, a quota system). The Church fully supported the quota system, but on 30 April 1990, five Catholic priests from Nyundo diocese broke the silence. In a letter to the Church’s bishops in Rwanda, they called the quota system ‘racist’ and urged that it was high time “the Church of Jesus Christ established in Rwanda proclaimed aloud and tirelessly” to denounce it, since it constituted “an aberration” within their Church. They maintained that the only sure justice in schools and employment was the one which only took account of individual capacities, regardless of people's origins, and that it was on this condition that the country could have citizens capable of leading it with competence and equity.

In conclusion, they said: “The Church should not be the vassal of the scular powers, but it should be free to speak with sincerity and courage when it proves necessary.” The authors of this letter were Fr.Augustin Ntagara, Fr. Callixte Kalisa, Fr. Aloys Nzaramba, Fr. Jean Baptiste Hategeka, and Fr. Fabien Rwakareke. All but the last two were killed during the genocide.

Within the Catholic Church, this discriminatory policy had long been in the seminaries. According to Fr. Jean Ndolimana, the enrolment of Tutsis in the Nyundo diocese was limited to 4%. On the school card, very seminarian had to indicate his father’s ethnic group. Instead of condemning those who were against the racist system, instead of playing an important role in institutionalising injustice by convincing their congregants to accept a morally reprehensible policy, Church leaders should have spoken out against racist discrimination. Regrettably the Church took the side of the political regimes, and thus was unable to exercise its prophetic role. It did not denounce political and social injustices, nor did it condemn the first mass killings, nor those which followed.

It is difficult to describe the position taken by the institutional Church just before and during the genocide. It is appropriate to take note of a declaration made by some “Christians” who met in London in June 1996: “The church is sick. The historical roots of this sickness lie in part with the “mother churches”. She is facing the most serious crisis in her history. The church has failed in her mission, and lost her credibility, particularly since the genocide. She needs to repent before God and Rwandan society, and seek healing from God.” This diagnosis offers a good summary of the situation. The Church lacks a sense of remorse and therefore cannot repent; hence its active involvement, in my view, is the last stage of genocide – denial.

Twenty-nine Rwandan Catholic priests, from Goma, Zaire, wrote a letter to the Pope in August 1994, demanding that the Rwandan government hould allow all refugees home and then hold a referendum to determine the country’s political future. The authors of this letter had no good programme for the country. All they wanted was to hold in contempt the Pope’s acknowledgment of the genocide. As early as 15 May 1994, the Pope had declared that the massacres in Rwanda were indeed genocide.

The priests wrote to the Pope: “Everybody knows, except those who do not wish to know or understand it, that the massacres which took place in Rwanda are the result of the provocation of the Rwandese people by the RPF.” These priests, contaminated by the genocidal ideology, placed His Holiness the Pope in the category of “those who did not wish to know,” to cover up their own shortcomings and those of the government they served.

Accepting failure is a virtue. Even so, it is difficult for institutions like the Catholic Church that are known to command respect world wide – above all when such institutions, have been party to policies of racial iscrimination and genocide. The Church decided to adopt silence and slander as defence mechanisms. The question is why the Vatican has accepted or tolerated such tendencies.

The call for remorse and repentance still seems unnecessary and roblematical for the Catholic Church. In March 1996, Pope John Paul II told the Rwandan people, “The Church... cannot be held responsible for the guilt of its members that have acted against the evangelic law; they will be called to render account of their own actions. All Church members that have sinned during the genocide must have the courage to assume the consequences of their deeds they have done against God and fellow men.”

Had this been accepted and done, it would have helped to end a culture of impunity that has characterised Rwanda for more than thirty-five years. This could have been an established warning to anyone who harboured the archaic racist ideology. It could have acted as a deterrent to foreign mentors, warning that continuation of such politics contravenes the principle of natural justice and is liable to be punished by law. Thirdly, it offers the only premises on which durable reconciliation; rehabilitation and reconstruction could take place or be cemented.

I chose to write about the Catholic Church and the genocide in Rwanda because I would argue it was the only institution involved in all the stages of genocide. As a layperson, it is astounding to hear about the “love, truth and trust” that the Church has achieved in a country where genocide took more than a million lives in just a hundred days, and to see the institutional Church protecting, instead of punishing, or at least denouncing those among its leadership or in its membership who are accused of genocide.

There is no doubt that throughout the history of Rwanda, Church leaders have had ties with political power. The Church was also involved in the policy of ethnic division, which degenerated into ethnic hatred. In order to succeed in its mission of uniting people, the Church in Rwanda and elsewhere must examine its attitudes, practices, and policies that have too often encouraged ethnic
divisions.

Church leadership should both be on the side of and be perceived to be
on the side of justice and the victims of injustice rather than on the
side of genocide perpetrators and deniers. The Church must remember
what Dietrich Bonhoeffer said in his April 1933 essay, “The Church and
the Jewish Question”.

As he wrote, one way in which Churches could fight political injustices was to question state injustices and call the state to responsibility; another was to help the victims of injustice, whether they were church members or not. To bring an end to the machinery of injustice, he said, the Church was obliged not only to help the victims who had fallen under the wheel, but also to fall into the spokes of the wheel itself.

Since justice is an unavoidable integral element of the process of
reconciliation, the Church should be among those asking that the perpetrators of genocide be brought to justice. If the Church contributes to the process of justice, unity can be re-established among Rwandans, in general, and among Christians, in particular. It is the only way that the Church can restore its credibility, and thus be what it is called to be: a witness to faith, hope and love, to truth and justice. Only in this way will the Catholic Church in Rwanda be able to help save the people of Rwanda –all the people - from future suffering and bloodshed.

Source: http://www.newsfromafrica.org/articles/art_10231.html

Mwanangu umefikia sasa kuwa Nabii wa kifo au mganga mpiga ramli unatueleza mambo ya Rwanda wakati TANGANYIKA Kuna matatizo mengi tu au lazima usikie mlio wa risasi? ndio ujue damu isiyo na hatia inamwagika Wananchi wanao kufa sasa kwa kukosa dawa na huduma nyingine na kuzikwa sanda kiroba wanaokufa na kuzikwa makaburi ya pamoja hawakuiba kuku Hawa Ujinga umaskini ufisadi maradhi ndio vita ILIYOPO Haibagui huyu mkristo muislamu au mpagani wote wanaathirika HUU NI WAKATI MUAFAKA KABISA WA KUWA NA MKUTANO WA KATIBA ILI MWENYENCHI AWEKE MUONGOZO/MKATABA WA JINSI YA KUPATA VIONGOZI WATAKAO WAONGOZA KWA RIDHAA YAO TARATIBU ZA UÖNGOZI NA KUWAWAJIBISHA VIONGOZI KIRAHISI WANAPO KIUKA MKATABA WA UONGOZI KULIKO ILIVYO SASA Sasa haijalishi nani anaona hilo ni jema hata kama ni nguruwe au mbwa nitamthamini kuliko yule anaye jifanya mwanadamu na haoni hilo ni la MANUFAA KWA NCHI YETU!
 
Tupe ushahidi. Sijawahi kusikia makanisa yakisema kuwa hayataki katiba mpya, wala kutetea tume ya uchaguzi.
 
Na suala la kudai katiba mpya na tume huru ya uchaguzi limekuwa likizungumzwa na vyama vyote tangu kuanza mfumo wa vyama vingi vya siasa, si CUF pekee. Kumbuka kuna mtu anaitwa Leo Lwekamwa alifikia hatua ya kukanyaga na kusigina katiba na akashtakiwa kwa kosa la uhaini kutokana na kitendo hicho. Yote hayo ni kudai katiba mpya.
 
Nimeshanusa harufu ya udini. Maana wote kuanzia vyama vya siasa, taasisi za haki za kibinadamu na taasisi nyingine zilizokuwa zikishughulikia uchaguzi, wastaafu mbalimbali, na sasa taasisi za kidini wameona kasoro za tume kama haikuwa fair, lakini Bakwata tu haijatoa msimamo. Yaya vipi na hapo? Teh teh teh teh teh.
 
Makanisa yataka katiba mpya


•Yasema wakati wa NEC kuvunjwa umefika
•Yataja dosari zilizojitokeza Uchaguzi Mkuu
•Yaonya wanasiasa kuchanganya ahadi na haki
•Yakosoa CCM kuingiza Kadhi kwenye Ilani


Na John Daniel
JUMUIYA ya Kikristo Tanzania (CCT) imeitaka Serikali kuhakikisha inakamilisha haraka utaratibu wa kuandikwa Katiba mpya ili kukidhi mazingira yaliyopo ndani ya nchi.Akisoma tamko la Jumuiya hiyo Dar es Salaam jana, kuhusu kasoro zilizojitokeza
wakati wa Uchaguzi Mkuu, Mwenyekiti wa CCT, Askofu Peter Kitula, alisema wamejiridhisha kuwa kulikuwa upungufu mkubwa unaohitaji marekebisha ya haraka kwa maslahi ya Taifa.
“Ni nia yetu ya dhati kuona tunakuwa na Katiba mpya haraka iwezekanavyo itakayotungwa baada ya tafiti za kina kufanywa kwa umakini....” Kwa kusikiliza na kuzingatia sauti na utashi wa watu na uzingativu wa kutosha wa dalili za nyakati na mazingira ya nchi pamoja na kuheshimu maono na falsafa za waasisi wa Taifa letu,”alisema Askofu Kitula.
Alitaja kasoro hizo kuwa ni pamoja na udini, matusi, kejeli, vitisho na rushwa kwamba ni mambo ya hatari yalijitokeza katika mchakato huo.
“Jumuiya ya Kikristo ilipeleka waangalizi wa uchaguzi 28 kutoka ndani na nje ya nchi, tunachukua fursa hii kusema tumesikitishwa na mambo yalijitokeza kama vile rushwa ya uchaguzi iliyokithiri hata baada ya Sheria ya Gharama za Uchaguzi kupitishwa.
Matamshi na malalamiko yaliyotolewa na wanasiasa kuhusu udini bila kuthibitisha au kuwachukulia hatua za kisheria waliotumia udini kuvuruga amani ya nchi au kuingilia kwa makusudi ya kuchafua mchakato wa uchaguzi ama kutumia udini kama farasi au njia ya kuwaingiza madarakani ama dini kutumika kisiasa kwa nia ya kuwalaumu, kuwachafua na kuwadhalilisha wanadini walio safi,”alisema Askofu Kitula.
Alisema matumizi mabaya ya lugha za kejeli baina ya wanasiasa, vyama, viongozi na dini baina ya wafuasi, matusi ya wazi na maneno ya udhalilishaji pamoja na vitisho kwa baadhi ya maeneo kuwa dosari zinazopaswa kufanyia kazi haraka.
Alisema mchakato wa uchaguzi wa demokrasia ni njia sahihi ya kutoa fursa kwa Taifa kupata viongozi bora na waadilifu bila vurugu, uvunjifu wa amani wala kudhalilishana.
Alisema licha ya mapungufu hayo, CCT inawapongeza Watanzania kwa kuonesha m w a m k o n a m a b a d i l i k o , kutambua haki zao na kutokubali kuyumbishwa na wanasiasa.
“ Tu n a w a p o n g e z a s a n a watanzania kwa mwamko wao kisiasa, kuzijua haki zao, kujitambua haki zao na kuonesha kwa vitendo dalili za wazi kutopenda kuyumbishwa na misukumo ya kisiasa isiyo endelevu,”alisema Askofu huyo.
Alisema CCT inawapongeza Watanzania kwa utulivu na uungwana wa hali ya juu katika mazingira ambayo yangevuruga nchi.
“Tunaamini kuwa wakati umefika wa kuwa na Tume huru na mpya ya uchaguzi itayokuwa imeundwa kwa kuvishirikisha vyama vyote vya siasa, wasomi, watafiti na wadau mbalimbali. Tunaamini elimu ya kutosha kwa wapiga kura na wananchi kwa ujumla pamoja na taratibu huru na wazi zitakazowakilisha ari za vyama, makundi yote ya kijamii zitakazolenga kuboresha mahusiano mema ni njia pekee ya kuondokana na kero na machungu ambayo tumeyaona katika uchaguzi mwaka 2010,”alisisitiza Askofu Kitula.
Aliendelea; “vinginevyo tumeanza kuhofia kuwa chaguzi zinazopaswa kuwa huru, haki na amani sasa zinatishiwa kuwa za vurugu,uvunjifu wa amani, vitisho na mabezano, matusi na kejeli zisizotujenga kama nchi.
“Vyama viache, viepuke na vikwepe ushawishi wowote wa kutumia njia iwayo yote ya kampeni zenye ahadi za uwongo na zisizotekelezeka”alisema na kuongeza vyama vijifunze kutofautisha ahadi na haki, mfano upatikanaji wa maji, elimu, afya, na utabibu,miundo mbinu na haja nyingine ya msingi ni haki na havihitaji kuwa sehemu za ahadi kwa wanaoomba kura,”alisema.
Alisema CCT inataka vyama vya siasa kutambua kuwa uboreshaji wa njia za uchumi kwa wananchi ni wajibu wa kiongozi yeyote na siyo hisani. Alisema Jumuiya hiyo inavitaka vyama vya siasa kuwaonesha wananchi njia za kupatikana kwa mahitaji ya haki na ya msingi na kwamba watahukumiwa kwa uwajibikaji wao na siyo takrima au rushwa zinazotolewa wakati wa kampeni.
Udini
Alisema tatizo hilo lilianza mwaka 1986 na hakuna kiongozi w a S e r i k a l i a l i y e j i t o k e z a kulikemea badala yake Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) ilizidi kufanya makosa kwa kuingiza suala hilo katika Ilani yake ya uchaguzi ya mwaka 2005.
Alisema kwa mujibu wa Katiba ni kosa kuhusisha dini katika siasa na kwamba waasisi wa Taifa letu waliona hilo na kuweka bayana mahusiano kati ya dini na Katiba.
“Kazi ya kutangaza dini,kufanya ibada na kueneza dini itakuwa ni huru na jambo la hiari ya mtu binafsi, na shughuli na uendeshaji wa jumuiya za dini zitakuwa nje ya shughuli za mamlaka ya nchi,”alisema Askofu Kitula akinukuu Sheria ya mabadiliko ya kumi na nne katika Katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania namba moja ya mwaka 2005.
“Kuanzia miaka 1986 kulianza kujitokeza mihadhara ya kidini na kidhehebu katika jamii lakini jambo hili halikukemewa wala kuchukuliwa hatua za kisheria.
Ilani ya uchaguzi ya CCM 2005 ilitamka bayana kuwa suala la Mahakama ya Kadhi litashughulikiwa na kupatiwa ufumbuzi, ikumbukwe kuwa mahakama ya kadhi ni jambo la kidini na kiibada katika dini ya kisilamu, jambo hili ni kinyume cha Katiba ya nchi na sheria ya vyama vya siasa hakuna aliyeona hatari yake na kwamba litakuwa chanzo cha udini ndani ya siasa za Tanzania, “alisema.
“Tafsiri yetu ni kwamba chama chochote cha siasa hakitakubaliwa usajili wa muda endapo kwa kufuatana na Katiba yake au sera ya chama hicho kinalenga kutetea au kuendeleza maslahi ya imani au kikundi chochote cha kidini.
pamoja na kwamba CCM iliondoa kifungu hiki katika Ilani ya 2010 bado mbegu ya udini haikuondoka kwani baadhi ya viongozi wa kisiasa na dini bado wanaendelea kulizungumzia,”alisema.
Kejeli na matusi
Lugha za kejeli na matusi vilitumika bila aibu na kwa makusudi kabisa, mbaya zaidi ni pale ambapo mgombea wa ubunge wa CHADEMA alipomtukana mgombea urais wa CCM, jambo hili lilishtua na kusikitisha Taifa zima,”alisema Askofu Kitule.
Alisema CCT inalaani vitisho vilivyotolewa na Jeshi la Ulinzi la Wananchi Tanzania (JWTZ) na kwamba vilichangia wapiga kura wengi kushindwa kujitokeza kwa hofu ya kushughulikiwa na chombo hicho kikubwa zaidi cha dola.
“Kwa mara ya kwanza katika historia ya nchi yetu watanzania watatu waliuawa kikatili wakati wa kampeni huko Musoma, Maswa na Kibakwe, jambo la kusikitisha hadi leo hakuna kiongozi wa chama chochote anayesema wala kemeo,”alisema.
Alisema licha ya uchaguzi na kazi ya kuhesabu kura kufanyika kwa amani, dosari kubwa ilijitokeza baada ya vyombo vya dola kuingilia mchakato huo wakati wa kusafirisha masanduku ta kura huku baadhi ya mawakala wakifichwa.
“Tunaona kuwa ni ishara ya kujenga mazingira yanayoweza kuendeleza uvunjaji wa amani, hali hii ikiachwa itakuwa donda ndugu katika nchi nzima,”alionya.
Alisema CCT inatoa wito kwa vyombo vya usalama kubaki na wajibu wa kulinda wananchi na mali zao, vyama vyote bila upendeleo wala vitisho.
“Vyombo vya ulinzi na usalama vione kuwa ulimwengu tunaoishi ni wa mabadiliko, ni wajibu wa vyombo hivyo kwenda na kulinda michakato ya mabadiliko bila kuathiri uhuru na haki ya watu kuchagua viongozi wao kidemokrasia,”alisisitiza.
Wakijibu maswali ya waandishi wa habari Makamu Mwenyekiti wa CCT Askofu Dkt. Valentino Mokiwa, alisema hakuna sababu ya Taifa kwenda kama kipofu kwa kupapasa. Alitoa wito kwa viongozi wa kisiasa kufuata Katiba na maelekezo ya kisheria na kuachana na udini ili kunusuru amani na utulivu wa nchi.
“Suala la Mahakama ya Kadhi inapaswa kuzikwa kabisa na wala lisiwepo tena midomoni mwa wanasiasa, nisingependa kodi yangu itumike kujadili mahakama ya kadhi, hakuna kitu kitakachojadiliwa Bungeni bila kodi ya mwananchi kutumika."Ningepende kodi itumike kupeleka dawa hospitali, suala hili life kabisa, libaki la kidini kama Mokiwa anavyoweza kuwa na idara yake ya maendeleo ndani ya Kanisa bila kutegemea kodi ya wananchi,”alisema.
Viongozi hawa pia waliipongeza Serikali hatua ya kuundwa kwa Serikali ya umoja kati ya CCM na Chama cha Wananchi (CUF) na kuwataka wanaopinga suala hilo kufunga midomo.
Hata hivyo viongozi hao walikosoa Mahakama ya Uhalifu wa Kimataifa kuwataja mawaziri na viongozi kadhaa wa Serikali ya Kenya kuhusika na mauaji ya watu baada ya uchaguzi Mkuu wa nchi hiyo na kuhoji kwanini wahusika wa mauaji ya Iraki wasitajwe wala kushitakiwa? .

 
•Yasema wakati wa NEC kuvunjwa umefika
•Yataja dosari zilizojitokeza Uchaguzi Mkuu
•Yaonya wanasiasa kuchanganya ahadi na haki
•Yakosoa CCM kuingiza Kadhi kwenye Ilani

Hizi hoja za kanisa ni mwiba kwa JK na CCM yake............................
 
jee jk alisema tz kuna udini, watu wakapinga.
Lkn sasa makanisa yanalalamikia tume ya uchaguzi, tume hata mh lipumba na wadau wengine ukiondoa chadema waliilamikia. Lkn makanisa mwaliona sio kweli na yalipinga kwa nguvu zote. Kila aliojaribu kuhoji tume hiyo makanisa yaliona kwamba kama wanataka kuvuruga amani ya nchi yetu.
Hata kule zenj ambapo kila mtu akiona kuna umuhimu wa katiba mpya makanisa kama pale mkunazini kanisa la historia na minara miwili mji mkongwe yalikuwa hayajali, tena yakikebehi na wakitaka gov ishugulike waliokuwa wakiitwa wachechezi . Cuf ikionekana kama chama kitacholeta vurugu kwa kuwa inataka mabadiliko ya tume ya uchaguzi nchini.ilitengwa na makanisa kabisa
makanisa licha ya kushabikia ccm lkn ilikuwa ni sehemu ya malalamiko ya cuf juu kutumiwa kuficha watu wanoitwa mapandikizi wa ccm ili kupiga kura 2. Haya yaliandikwa sana na vyombo vya habari hata cuf walitoka hadharani kulisema.makanisa yakiona hilo ni sawa tu. Hilo sio tatizo katka kanisa.
Huku dar, makanisa yalikuwa bega kwa bega na ccm.hakuna kanisa lilowahi kuuliza hiitume ya uchaguzi iko vipi?
Jee makanisa ya tz yamezaliwa upya?


inawezekana kwa nguvu ya umma
 
Hizi hoja za kanisa ni mwiba kwa JK na CCM yake............................


I am a public policy analyst based in Arusha, Tanzania, and iam catholic!

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jee jk alisema tz kuna udini, watu wakapinga.
lkn sasa makanisa yanalalamikia tume ya uchaguzi, tume hata mh Lipumba na wadau wengine ukiondoa CHADEMA Waliilamikia. lkn makanisa mwaliona sio kweli na yalipinga kwa nguvu zote. kila aliojaribu kuhoji tume hiyo makanisa yaliona kwamba kama wanataka kuvuruga amani ya nchi yetu.
Hata kule zenj ambapo kila mtu akiona kuna umuhimu wa katiba mpya makanisa kama pale mkunazini kanisa la historia na minara miwili Mji mKongwe yalikuwa hayajali, tena yakikebehi na wakitaka gov ishugulike waliokuwa wakiitwa wachechezi . cuf ikionekana kama chama kitacholeta vurugu kwa kuwa inataka mabadiliko ya tume ya uchaguzi nchini.ilitengwa na makanisa kabisa
makanisa licha ya kushabikia ccm lkn ilikuwa ni sehemu ya malalamiko ya cuf juu kutumiwa kuficha watu wanoitwa mapandikizi wa ccm ili kupiga kura 2. haya yaliandikwa sana na vyombo vya habari hata cuf walitoka hadharani kulisema.makanisa yakiona hilo ni sawa tu. hilo sio tatizo katka kanisa.
huku Dar, makanisa yalikuwa bega kwa bega na ccm.hakuna kanisa lilowahi kuuliza hiitume ya uchaguzi iko vipi?
jee makanisa ya tz yamezaliwa upya?
Sema yoooooooooooooteeeeeeeeeee lakini ukumbuke kuwa .............. SHEHE, ASKOFU, KAFIRI, MPAGANI....etc.etc...... hakuwaondolei Utanzania wao ........WANA HAKI YA KUTAKA AU KUTOTAKA KATIBA NYINGINE KAMA MTU MWINGINE YEYOTE AMBAYE HAYUPO KWENYE HUDUMA HIZO
 
Hoja Nzito lkn hayo mambo ya Mahakama ya Kadhi wangeyaacha wasingeyataja COZ sasa italeta ugomvi na ndugu zetu waislam na CCM itafurahia hilo na kuchochea zaidi hili suala la UDINI ambalo JK analikazania mnooo.
 
Hoja Nzito lkn hayo mambo ya Mahakama ya Kadhi wangeyaacha wasingeyataja COZ sasa italeta ugomvi na ndugu zetu waislam na CCM itafurahia hilo na kuchochea zaidi hili suala la UDINI ambalo JK analikazania mnooo.

Ni kweli kabisa, suala la Mahakama ya Kadhi wangeepuka kabisa kulitaja . . .
 
We need more support from many more public figures on the revision/rewrite of the constitution. Bravo CCT for endorsing attempts to have our voices listened. However, can anyone spot the hypocrisy when the CCT talks about the inclusion of Kadhi courts in CCM's manifesto and their calls for a new constitution?
 
Unajua CHADEMA walakout ilipata coverage dunia nzima na hivyo tutarajie pressure kubwa toka kila pembe ya kushinikiza katiba mpya.

Hvyo wajanja wanajua katiba mpya haikwepeki na laaimz ije kwa staili waliyoanza nayo CHADEMA.

Kwa kujua hivyo kila mmoja anajifanya sasa na yeye ni mpiganaji maarufu wa katiba mpya. Si unakumbuka mapambao ya ufisadi CHADEMA ilivyoyapamba moto basi bila kutarajia CCM wakayadaka na wakaing'ang'ania hoja hiyo kwa zaidi ya miaka miwili.

Sasa kila mtu anajifanya mshabiki wa katiba mpya. Mimi sintashangaa kuona wabunge wa CCM ndiyo wakiidandia na kuipitisha harakaharaka ili iwe mtaji wao wa kisiasa kwamba ni hoja yao na kwa majority yao wamefanya mageuzi ya kuwa na katiba mpya.

TUkiwabishia watatuletea porojo zilezile kwamba si CHADEMA waliaoznisha hoja hii na watakutajia suala la katiba mpya tangu enzi za Nyerere, Jumbe na wengi tu.

Kaeni mkao wa kulijua hilo
 
ww bwabwa why your looking one side, what kills Somalia? is there any church in Somalia?
Unajua Misikiti ya Al shabab, Islamic courts union inavyomaliza wasomali? wacha u r
short mind as usual, hapa tunataka katiba mpya ww unaleta upuuzi, shiiit

Kwanza hayo unayoya shiiiit, si maandiko yangu, ni maandiko na matamshi ya wikiristo wenyewe.

Pili: kama hujui yaliyopelekea Somalia kama ilivyo sasa, bora ukae kimya au anzisha thread tukuonyeshe ni nani alieanzisha chokochoko Somalia.

Tatu: hiyo article niliyoibandika iko wazi kabisa inaonyesha madhambi yaliyofanywa na kanisa hususan kanisa katoliki Rwanda na katika hayo hakuna hata muIslam mmoja aliendika walionukuliwa wote ni wakiristo! Jee huoni? Au hupendi ukweli?
 
Haya makanisa ndio yanaoleta udini na mitafuruku, wao ni makanisa ya kidini kuingilia mambo ya siasa inawahusu nini kama si udini? Si wagombee halafu waanze kuongea siasa, hawa ni madhalim na wanataka kuvuruga amani kama walivyofanya Rwanda na kwingineko:

Haya Makanisa tuyaangalie sana, ndio chanzo cha chokochoko za umwagaji damu, hata Rwanda, kanisa lilikuwa ndio chanzo cha mauaji ya kimbari, soma:

Rwanda

Genocide and the role of the Church in Rwanda

What exactly was the role of the Catholic Church in the Rwandan
genocide? NDAHIRO TOM, a Rwandan human rights commissioner, paints a picture of deep historical and political complicity and calls for the Church to restore its credibility by contributing to the process of justice.

16 April 2005 - Ndahiro Tom (A Commissioner of Human Rights in Rwanda.)

Source: PAMBAZUKA
Pambazuka News

Why do they eat my people as they eat bread? (Psalm 14)

All over Rwandan hills, valleys and mountains, thousands of crosses
mark mass graves of genocide victims of 1994. During the genocide, many
Tutsis were massacred in or around places of worship, including Catholic churches – paradoxically, in a country which was the most Christianised in Africa, with Christians representing more than 80% of the population. Catholic bishops in Rwanda have sometimes claimed that all Rwandans believe in God. (Kinyamateka, No. 1614, January 2003, pg. 6) There are hundreds of churches and chapels everywhere and almost every day followers repeatedly recite the prayer, “Our Father who art in heaven”, pleading with the Father to deliver them from evil (Matthew 6:13). From where, then, did the malevolence at the root of the genocide come? How and by whom could it have been overcome? Part of the answer to these questions is the Church and its members.

According to Jean-Pierre Karegeye, a Jesuit priest, genocide is morally hideous, an evil expressed in forgetting God, and hence a new form of atheism. Karegeye asks several pertinent questions which merit consideration: “Christians killing other Christians? How could Rwandan
Christians who manifested commitment to their faith have acted with
such intense cruelty? How did ordinary people come to commit extraordinary evil…? Does the sin of genocide disturb the relationship between God and the perpetrators in official Catholic Church discourse? How can we explain the strange situation of priests involved in the crimes of genocide who are still running parishes in Western countries? Why are they protected by the Vatican against any legal proceedings?” He concludes: “The Church’s attitude towards genocide seems to suggest that the hierarchy of religious values is not usually in proportion to the hierarchy of moral standards.”

Generally, in Rwanda, the leadership of the Christian churches, especially that of the Catholic Church, played a central role in the creation and furtherance of racist ideology. They fostered a system which Europeans introduced and they encouraged. The building blocks of this ideology were numerous, but one can mention a few – first, the racist vision of Rwandan society that the missionaries and colonialists imposed by developing the thesis about which groups came first and last to populate the country (the Hamitic and Bantu myths); second, by rigidly controlling historical and anthropological research; third, by reconfiguring Rwandan society through the manipulation of ethnic identities (from their vague socio-political nature in the pre-colonial period, these identities gradually became racial). From the late 1950s, some concepts became distorted: thus democracy became numerical
democracy or demographic.

The philosophy of ‘rubanda nyamwinshi’ a Kinyarwanda expression, which
politically came to mean ‘the Hutu majority’, prevailed after the so-called social revolution of 1959 ignored the basic tenets of democracy. In my view, recurrent genocides in Rwanda since 1959 were meant to maintain the ‘Hutu majority’ in power, by killing the Tutsi. Distributive justice became equivalent to regional and ethnic quotas; and revolution came to mean legitimised genocide of the Tutsis.

Church authorities contributed to the spread of racist theories mainly
through the schools and seminaries over which they exercised control. The elite who ruled the country after independence trained in these schools. According to Church historian Paul Rutayisire, the stereotypes used by the Hutu-dominated Rwandan government to dehumanise Tutsis, were also spread by some influential clergymen, bishops and priests, before and after the genocide. The Catholic Church and colonial powers orked together in organizing racist political groups like the Party for the Emancipation of the Hutu (Parmehutu).

Mouvement Révolutionnaire National pour le Dévelopment (MRND) was the
party which in the mid-1970s had introduced and institutionalised policies of racial discrimination which they termed “équilibre éthnique et régional” (ethnic and regional equilibrium, a quota system). The Church fully supported the quota system, but on 30 April 1990, five Catholic priests from Nyundo diocese broke the silence. In a letter to the Church’s bishops in Rwanda, they called the quota system ‘racist’ and urged that it was high time “the Church of Jesus Christ established in Rwanda proclaimed aloud and tirelessly” to denounce it, since it constituted “an aberration” within their Church. They maintained that the only sure justice in schools and employment was the one which only took account of individual capacities, regardless of people's origins, and that it was on this condition that the country could have citizens capable of leading it with competence and equity.

In conclusion, they said: “The Church should not be the vassal of the scular powers, but it should be free to speak with sincerity and courage when it proves necessary.” The authors of this letter were Fr.Augustin Ntagara, Fr. Callixte Kalisa, Fr. Aloys Nzaramba, Fr. Jean Baptiste Hategeka, and Fr. Fabien Rwakareke. All but the last two were killed during the genocide.

Within the Catholic Church, this discriminatory policy had long been in the seminaries. According to Fr. Jean Ndolimana, the enrolment of Tutsis in the Nyundo diocese was limited to 4%. On the school card, very seminarian had to indicate his father’s ethnic group. Instead of condemning those who were against the racist system, instead of playing an important role in institutionalising injustice by convincing their congregants to accept a morally reprehensible policy, Church leaders should have spoken out against racist discrimination. Regrettably the Church took the side of the political regimes, and thus was unable to exercise its prophetic role. It did not denounce political and social injustices, nor did it condemn the first mass killings, nor those which followed.

It is difficult to describe the position taken by the institutional Church just before and during the genocide. It is appropriate to take note of a declaration made by some “Christians” who met in London in June 1996: “The church is sick. The historical roots of this sickness lie in part with the “mother churches”. She is facing the most serious crisis in her history. The church has failed in her mission, and lost her credibility, particularly since the genocide. She needs to repent before God and Rwandan society, and seek healing from God.” This diagnosis offers a good summary of the situation. The Church lacks a sense of remorse and therefore cannot repent; hence its active involvement, in my view, is the last stage of genocide – denial.

Twenty-nine Rwandan Catholic priests, from Goma, Zaire, wrote a letter to the Pope in August 1994, demanding that the Rwandan government hould allow all refugees home and then hold a referendum to determine the country’s political future. The authors of this letter had no good programme for the country. All they wanted was to hold in contempt the Pope’s acknowledgment of the genocide. As early as 15 May 1994, the Pope had declared that the massacres in Rwanda were indeed genocide.

The priests wrote to the Pope: “Everybody knows, except those who do not wish to know or understand it, that the massacres which took place in Rwanda are the result of the provocation of the Rwandese people by the RPF.” These priests, contaminated by the genocidal ideology, placed His Holiness the Pope in the category of “those who did not wish to know,” to cover up their own shortcomings and those of the government they served.

Accepting failure is a virtue. Even so, it is difficult for institutions like the Catholic Church that are known to command respect world wide – above all when such institutions, have been party to policies of racial iscrimination and genocide. The Church decided to adopt silence and slander as defence mechanisms. The question is why the Vatican has accepted or tolerated such tendencies.

The call for remorse and repentance still seems unnecessary and roblematical for the Catholic Church. In March 1996, Pope John Paul II told the Rwandan people, “The Church... cannot be held responsible for the guilt of its members that have acted against the evangelic law; they will be called to render account of their own actions. All Church members that have sinned during the genocide must have the courage to assume the consequences of their deeds they have done against God and fellow men.”

Had this been accepted and done, it would have helped to end a culture of impunity that has characterised Rwanda for more than thirty-five years. This could have been an established warning to anyone who harboured the archaic racist ideology. It could have acted as a deterrent to foreign mentors, warning that continuation of such politics contravenes the principle of natural justice and is liable to be punished by law. Thirdly, it offers the only premises on which durable reconciliation; rehabilitation and reconstruction could take place or be cemented.

I chose to write about the Catholic Church and the genocide in Rwanda because I would argue it was the only institution involved in all the stages of genocide. As a layperson, it is astounding to hear about the “love, truth and trust” that the Church has achieved in a country where genocide took more than a million lives in just a hundred days, and to see the institutional Church protecting, instead of punishing, or at least denouncing those among its leadership or in its membership who are accused of genocide.

There is no doubt that throughout the history of Rwanda, Church leaders have had ties with political power. The Church was also involved in the policy of ethnic division, which degenerated into ethnic hatred. In order to succeed in its mission of uniting people, the Church in Rwanda and elsewhere must examine its attitudes, practices, and policies that have too often encouraged ethnic
divisions.

Church leadership should both be on the side of and be perceived to be
on the side of justice and the victims of injustice rather than on the
side of genocide perpetrators and deniers. The Church must remember
what Dietrich Bonhoeffer said in his April 1933 essay, “The Church and
the Jewish Question”.

As he wrote, one way in which Churches could fight political injustices was to question state injustices and call the state to responsibility; another was to help the victims of injustice, whether they were church members or not. To bring an end to the machinery of injustice, he said, the Church was obliged not only to help the victims who had fallen under the wheel, but also to fall into the spokes of the wheel itself.

Since justice is an unavoidable integral element of the process of
reconciliation, the Church should be among those asking that the perpetrators of genocide be brought to justice. If the Church contributes to the process of justice, unity can be re-established among Rwandans, in general, and among Christians, in particular. It is the only way that the Church can restore its credibility, and thus be what it is called to be: a witness to faith, hope and love, to truth and justice. Only in this way will the Catholic Church in Rwanda be able to help save the people of Rwanda –all the people - from future suffering and bloodshed.

Source: Genocide and the role of the Church in Rwanda
 
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