Elections 2010 JK alidanganya kuhusu Obama UN General Assembly?

Indume Yene

Indume Yene

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Mar 17, 2008
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Nimesoma kwenye gazeti la Mwananchi kuwa JK alipokuwa kwenye ziara yake huko Ludewa, kabla ya kupanda kwenye jukwaa alipokea simu kutoka kwa balozi wa marekani nchini Bw. Alfonso E. Lenhardt. JK alidai kuwa balozi huyo alimwambia kuwa Rais Obama aliisifia Tanzania Kwenye Baraza la Usalama la Umoja wa Mataifa kwa kufuata utawala bora.
Ni vizuri pale Rais kama Obama kutambua uzuri wa taifa letu, lakini inatia shaka kama Obama aliongelea Tanzania kuhusu utawala bora. Nilisikia akiongelea South Africa (From Tyranny to democratic reforms), Congo Kinshasa (Human rights abuse), Kenya (New constitution).

Je wapi Obama aliongelea utawala bora wakati kuna fisadiz wengine bado wanadunda. Je Kikwete alidanganya ili aonekane kuwa ni kiongozi bora na kujiongezea kura? Je ni kweli balozi Alfonso E. Lenhardt alisema hayo wakati Rais wake hakuongelea hiyo mada kwa Tanzania? Nani hapa alidanganya? na kwa nini?

MWANANCHI quotes"Akizungumzia ujumbe aliopewa kwenye simu na balozi wa Marekani nchini, Kikwete alisema kuwa amehakikishiwa misaada kuendelea kumiminika Tanzania kutoka taifa hilo kubwa duniani

"Nilikuwa nazungumza na balozi wa Marekani nchini na amenieleza kuwa rais wa nchi hiyo, Barack Obama akiwa katika mkutano wa baraza la usalama la Umoja wa Mataifa alitolea mfano kuwa Tanzania ni nchi inayofuata utawala bora hivyo wataendelea kutusaidia," alisema Kikwete,

"Maneno haya yanasemwa na Wamarekani sio mimi... watu wanasema tu Marekani, Marekani lakini huo ndio ukweli wenyewe; huo ndio ujumbe niliopata; wameonyesha kutusaidia na watatusaidia,".


Angalia video ujiridhishe. Karibu kwa maoni.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1s7eHoRBqKI

 
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Obama kama mwanasheria hawezi kutoa ahadi kwa JK wakati akijua kuwa kuna kampeni zinaendelea kwa ajili ya uchaguzi mkuu. Naamini hapa kuna mtu hajasema ukweli.
 
Kumbe JK ni msanii kweli kweli, anadanganya, haogopi! Ni wapi, Obama ametoa habari hizi, ama kweli! Hii ingewezekana kudanganya kwa namna hii enzi zile za nyuma ambapo hakuna TV, hakuna mtandao, lakini leo hii!!!!!

Oh imenikumbusha tulivyoanza kutumia simu za mkono, wengi wetu tulivyokuwa tulivyouumbuliwa na uongo wetu. Mke wako amekuona gari ya mbele akiwa ndani ya daladala, anapiga simu,mume wangu uko wapi, unajibu, oh niko ofisini na nitachelewa...ngoja aombe usimame illi umchukue kwani yuko gari ya nyuma yako....jamani...hizi enzi hazikumpitia nini?
 
Obama alitoa kauli akihutubia UN General Assembly (according to JK) au akiwa wapi? Kama JK atadai kuwa alitoa kauli nje ya UN Gen Ass hamtamkamata uwongo!
 
Lazima waisifie Tanzania si wamakula hapa, hakuna jipyaa zaidi ya kuendelea kutuongezea ugumu wa maisha. We need creative ways thinking from our people in our the government siyo hii watu wana wasiwasi kila kona sababu hawakutenda mema kwa wananchi sasa ni uchaguzi wanataka kujionyesha.
I HATE PEOPLE WITH LIMITED MINDS. JK AMKA BANA YAANI BADO UMELALA TU, TUTAKUKUMBUKA KWA LIPI SASA?

Obama yuko USA, Tanzania iko huku. hata akipewa report ya uongo, its up to us tunaoumia. Tunaendelea kuwa wateja wa bidhaa zao miaka mingi.
Its so sad kumuona hata rais wetu naye anashabikia kupewa misaada badala ya kusema namna gani atatutoa kutoka kwenye utegemezi, anashangilia.
 
Indume Yene said:
Nimesoma kwenye gazeti la Mwananchi kuwa JK alipokuwa kwenye ziara yake huko Ludewa, kabla ya kupanda kwenye jukwaa alipokea simu kutoka kwa balozi wa marekani nchini Bw. Alfonso E. Lenhardt. JK alidai kuwa balozi huyo alimwambia kuwa Rais Obama aliisifia Tanzania Kwenye Baraza la Usalama la Umoja wa Mataifa kwa kufuata utawala bora.
Ni vizuri pale Rais kama Obama kutambua uzuri wa taifa letu, lakini inatia shaka kama Obama aliongelea Tanzania kuhusu utawala bora. Nilisikia akiongelea South Africa (From Tyranny to democratic reforms), Congo Kinshasa (Human rights abuse), Kenya (New constitution).

Je wapi Obama aliongelea utawala bora wakati kuna fisadiz wengine bado wanadunda. Je Kikwete alidanganya ili aonekane kuwa ni kiongozi bora na kujiongezea kura? Je ni kweli balozi Alfonso E. Lenhardt alisema hayo wakati Rais wake hakuongelea hiyo mada kwa Tanzania? Nani hapa alidanganya? na kwa nini?

MWANANCHI quotes"Akizungumzia ujumbe aliopewa kwenye simu na balozi wa Marekani nchini, Kikwete alisema kuwa amehakikishiwa misaada kuendelea kumiminika Tanzania kutoka taifa hilo kubwa duniani

"Nilikuwa nazungumza na balozi wa Marekani nchini na amenieleza kuwa rais wa nchi hiyo, Barack Obama akiwa katika mkutano wa baraza la usalama la Umoja wa Mataifa alitolea mfano kuwa Tanzania ni nchi inayofuata utawala bora hivyo wataendelea kutusaidia," alisema Kikwete,

"Maneno haya yanasemwa na Wamarekani sio mimi... watu wanasema tu Marekani, Marekani lakini huo ndio ukweli wenyewe; huo ndio ujumbe niliopata; wameonyesha kutusaidia na watatusaidia,".


Angalia video ujiridhishe. Karibu kwa maoni.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1s7eHoRBqKI

Click to expand...


Hii habari inanikumbusha jamaa zangu wa Ngara.

Kama unamdai chako ukimpigia simu anakwambia niko "Ubungo Plaza nina mazungumzo nyeti na mheshimiwa waziri"
 
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The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
September 22, 2010
Remarks by the President at the Millennium Development Goals Summit in New York, New York
United Nations Headquarters, New York, New York
4:49 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon. Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen.
In the Charter of this United Nations, our countries pledged to work for "the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples." In the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we recognized the inherent dignity and rights of every individual, including the right to a decent standard of living. And a decade ago, at the dawn of a new millennium, we set concrete goals to free our fellow men, women and children from the injustice of extreme poverty.
These are the standards that we set. And today, we must ask: Are we living up to our mutual responsibilities?
I suspect that some in wealthier countries may ask, with our economies struggling, so many people out of work, and so many families barely getting by, why a summit on development? And the answer is simple. In our global economy, progress in even the poorest countries can advance the prosperity and security of people far beyond their borders, including my fellow Americans.
When a child dies from a preventable disease, it shocks all of our consciences. When a girl is deprived of an education or her mother is denied equal rights, it undermines the prosperity of their nation. When a young entrepreneur can't start a new business, it stymies the creation of new jobs and markets in that entrepreneur's country, but also in our own. When millions of fathers cannot provide for their families, it feeds the despair that can fuel instability and violent extremism. When a disease goes unchecked, it can endanger the health of millions around the world.
So let's put to rest the old myth that development is mere charity that does not serve our interests. And let's reject the cynicism that says certain countries are condemned to perpetual poverty, for the past half century has witnessed more gains in human development than at any time in history. A disease that had ravaged the generations, smallpox, was eradicated. Health care has reached the far corners of the world, saving the lives of millions. From Latin America to Africa to Asia, developing nations have transformed into leaders in the global economy.
Nor can anyone deny the progress that has been made toward achieving certain Millennium Development Goals. The doors of education have been opened to tens of millions of children, boys and girls. New cases of HIV/AIDS and malaria and tuberculosis are down. Access to clean drinking water is up. Around the world, hundreds of millions of people have been lifted from extreme poverty. That is all for the good, and it's a testimony to the extraordinary work that's been done both within countries and by the international community.
Yet we must also face the fact that progress towards other goals that were set has not come nearly fast enough. Not for the hundreds of thousands of women who lose their lives every year simply giving birth. Not for the millions of children who die from agony of malnutrition. Not for the nearly one billion people who endure the misery of chronic hunger.
This is the reality we must face - that if the international community just keeps doing the same things the same way, we may make some modest progress here and there, but we will miss many development goals. That is the truth. With 10 years down and just five years before our development targets come due, we must do better.
Now, I know that helping communities and countries realize a better future is not easy. I've seen it in my own life. I saw it in my mother, as she worked to lift up the rural poor, from Indonesia to Pakistan. I saw it on the streets of Chicago, where I worked as a community organizer trying to build up underdeveloped neighborhoods in this country. It is hard work. But I know progress is possible.
As President, I have made it clear that the United States will do our part. My national security strategy recognizes development not only as a moral imperative, but a strategic and economic imperative. Secretary of State Clinton is leading a review to strengthen and better coordinate our diplomacy and our development efforts. We've reengaged with multilateral development institutions. And we are rebuilding the United States Agency for International Development as the world's premier development agency. In short, we're making sure that the United States will be a global leader in international development in the 21st century.
We also recognize, though, that the old ways will not suffice. That's why in Ghana last year I called for a new approach to development that unleashes transformational change and allows more people to take control of their own destiny. After all, no country wants to be dependent on another. No proud leader in this room wants to ask for aid. No family wants to be beholden to the assistance of others.
To pursue this vision, my administration conducted a comprehensive review of America's development programs. We listened to leaders in government, NGOs and civil society, the private sector and philanthropy, Congress and our many international partners.
And today, I'm announcing our new U.S. Global Development Policy - the first of its kind by an American administration. It's rooted in America's enduring commitment to the dignity and potential of every human being. And it outlines our new approach and the new thinking that will guide our overall development efforts, including the plan that I promised last year and that my administration has delivered to pursue the Millennium Development Goals. Put simply, the United States is changing the way we do business.
First, we're changing how we define development. For too long, we've measured our efforts by the dollars we spent and the food and medicines that we delivered. But aid alone is not development. Development is helping nations to actually develop - moving from poverty to prosperity. And we need more than just aid to unleash that change. We need to harness all the tools at our disposal - from our diplomacy to our trade policies to our investment policies.
Second, we are changing how we view the ultimate goal of development. Our focus on assistance has saved lives in the short term, but it hasn't always improved those societies over the long term. Consider the millions of people who have relied on food assistance for decades. That's not development, that's dependence, and it's a cycle we need to break. Instead of just managing poverty, we have to offer nations and peoples a path out of poverty.
Now, let me be clear, the United States of America has been, and will remain, the global leader in providing assistance. We will not abandon those who depend on us for life-saving help - whether it's food or medicine. We will keep our promises and honor our commitments.
In fact, my administration has increased assistance to the least developed countries. We're working with partners to finally eradicate polio. We're building on the good efforts of my predecessor to continue to increase funds to fight HIV/AIDS, increasing those funds to record levels - and that includes strengthening our commitment to the Global Fund for AIDS, TB and Malaria. And we will lead in times of crisis, as we've done since the earthquake in Haiti and the floods in Pakistan.
But the purpose of development - what's needed most right now - is creating the conditions where assistance is no longer needed. So we will seek partners who want to build their own capacity to provide for their people. We will seek development that is sustainable.
And building in part on the lessons of the Millennium Challenge Corporation, which has helped countries like El Salvador build rural roads and raise the incomes of its people, we will invest in the capacity of countries that are proving their commitment to development.
Remembering the lessons of the Green Revolution, we're expanding scientific collaboration with other countries and investing in game-changing science and technology to help spark historic leaps in development.
For example, instead of just treating HIV/AIDS, we've invested in pioneering research to finally develop a way to help millions of women actually prevent themselves from being infected in the first place.
Instead of simply handing out food, our food security initiative is helping countries like Guatemala and Rwanda and Bangladesh develop their agriculture and improve crop yields and help farmers get their products to market.
Instead of simply delivering medicine, our Global Health Initiative is also helping countries like Mali and Nepal build stronger health systems and better deliver care. And with financial and technical assistance, we'll help developing countries embrace the clean energy technologies they need to adapt to climate change and pursue low-carbon growth.
In other words, we're making it clear that we will partner with countries that are willing to take the lead. Because the days when your development was dictated by foreign capitals must come to an end. (Applause.)
This brings me to a third pillar of our new approach. To unleash transformational change, we're putting a new emphasis on the most powerful force the world has ever known for eradicating poverty and creating opportunity. It's the force that turned South Korea from a recipient of aid to a donor of aid. It's the force that has raised living standards from Brazil to India. And it's the force that has allowed emerging African countries like Ethiopia and Malawi and Mozambique to defy the odds and make real progress towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals, even as some of their neighbors - like Cote d'Ivoire - have lagged.
The force I'm speaking about is broad-based economic growth. Now, every nation will pursue its own path to prosperity. But decades of experience tell us there are certain ingredients upon which sustainable growth and lasting development depends.
We know that countries are more likely to prosper when they encourage entrepreneurship; when they invest in their infrastructure; when they expand trade and welcome investment. So we will partner with countries like Sierra Leone to create business environments that are attractive to investment, that don't scare it away. We'll work to break down barriers to regional trade and urge nations to open their markets to developing countries. We will keep pushing for a Doha Round that is ambitious and balanced –one that works not just for major emerging economies, but for all economies.
We also know that countries are more likely to prosper when governments are accountable to their people. So we are leading a global effort to combat corruption, which in many places is the single greatest barrier to prosperity, and which is a profound violation of human rights. That's why we now require oil, gas and mining companies that raise capital in the United States to disclose all payments they make to foreign governments. And it's why I urged the G20 to put corruption on its agenda and make it harder for corrupt officials to steal from their own people and stifle their nation's development.
The United States will focus our development efforts on countries like Tanzania that promote good governance and democracy; the rule of law and equal administration of justice; transparent institutions with strong civil societies; and respect for human rights. Because over the long run, democracy and economic growth go hand in hand.
We will reach out to countries making transitions from authoritarianism to democracy, and from war to peace. The people of Liberia, for example, show that even after years of war, great progress can be achieved. And as others show the courage to put war behind them - including, we hope, in Sudan - the United States will stand with those who seek to build and sustain peace.
We also know that countries are more likely to prosper when they tap the talents of all their people. And that's why we're investing in the health, education and rights of women, and working to empower the next generation of women entrepreneurs and leaders. Because when mothers and daughters have access to opportunity, that's when economies grow, that's when governance improves.
And it's why we're partnering with young people, who in many developing countries are more than half the population. We're expanding educational exchanges, like the one that brought my father here to America from Kenya. And we're helping young entrepreneurs succeed in a global economy.
And as the final pillar of our new approach, we will insist on more responsibility - from ourselves and from others. We insist on mutual accountability.
For our part, we'll work with Congress to better match our investments with the priorities of our partner countries. Guided by the evidence, we will invest in programs that work; we'll end those that don't. We need to be big-hearted but also hard-headed in our approach to development.
To my fellow donor nations: Let's honor our respective commitments. (Applause.) Let's resolve to put an end to hollow promises that are not kept. Let's commit to the same transparency that we expect from others. Let's move beyond the old, narrow debate over how much money we're spending, and instead let's focus on results - whether we're actually making improvements in people's lives.
Now, to developing countries, this must be your moment of responsibility as well. We want you to prosper and succeed - it is not only in your interest, it is in our interests. We want to help you realize your aspirations as a nation and the individuals in each of your countries.
But there is no substitute for your leadership. Only you and your people can make the tough choices that will unleash the dynamism of your country. Only you can make the sustainable investments that improve the health and well-being of your people. Only you can deliver your nations to a more prosperous and just future. We can be partners, but ultimately you have to take the lead.
Finally, let me say this. No one nation can do everything everywhere and still do it well. To meet our goals, we must be more selective and focus our efforts where we have the best partners and where we can have the greatest impact. And just as this work cannot be done by any one government, it can't be the work of governments alone. In fact, foundations and private sector and NGOs are making historic commitments that have redefined what's possible.
And this gives us the opportunity to forge a new division of labor for development in the 21st century. It's a division of labor where, instead of so much duplication and inefficiency, governments and multilaterals and NGOs are all working together. We each do the piece that we do best - as we're doing, for example, in support of Ghana's food security plan, which will help more farmers get more goods to market and earn more money to support their families.
So that's the progress that's possible. Together, we can collaborate in ways unimaginable just a few years ago. Together, we can realize the future that none of us can achieve alone. Together, we can deliver historic leaps in development. We can do this. But only if we move forward with the seriousness and sense of common purpose that this moment demands.
Development that offers a path out of poverty for that child who deserves better. Development that builds the capacity of countries to deliver the health care and education that their people need. Development that unleashes broader prosperity and builds the next generation of entrepreneurs and emerging economies. Development rooted in shared responsibility, mutual accountability and, most of all, concrete results that pull communities and countries from poverty to prosperity.
These are the elements of America's new approach. This is the work that we can do together. And this can be our plan - not simply for meeting our Millennium Development Goals, but for exceeding them, and then sustaining them for generations to come.
Thank you very much, everyone. Thank you. (Applause.)
 
buckreef said:
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
September 22, 2010
Remarks by the President at the Millennium Development Goals Summit in New York, New York
United Nations Headquarters, New York, New York
4:49 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon. Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen.
Now, I know that helping communities and countries realize a better future is not easy. ...After all, no country wants to be dependent on another. No proud leader in this room wants to ask for aid. No family wants to be beholden to the assistance of others....
But the purpose of development - what's needed most right now - is creating the conditions where assistance is no longer needed. So we will seek partners who want to build their own capacity to provide for their people. ...In other words, we're making it clear that we will partner with countries that are willing to take the lead. Because the days when your development was dictated by foreign capitals must come to an end. (Applause.)
The United States will focus our development efforts on countries like Tanzania that promote good governance and democracy; the rule of law and equal administration of justice; transparent institutions with strong civil societies; and respect for human rights. Because over the long run, democracy and economic growth go hand in hand.
Click to expand...

Oboma has not said that we are practising good governance nor democracy, but from his perspectives we are promoting these two virtues. Yes, he is right at least as far as political rhetorics go. Thank you Sivuviri we need to now speak out and inform Oboma the action plans taken like the editorial in the daiy news.

Whatever the case why would the whole President relay a telephone conversation almost instantly to the public! Couldnot he wait until his aides had something to add up or substract. Egoisticism! Hypocricy! Unpreparedness. He might not have an agenda and this came in just on the right time. And why should an ambassador call President on such matters. Can you imagine Hon Maajar calling President Obama that Kikwete said nice things about you!?
 
Njilembera said:
Oboma has not said that we are practising good governance nor democracy, but from his perspectives we are promoting these two virtues. Yes, he is right at least as far as political rhetorics go. Thank you Sivuviri we need to now speak out and inform Oboma the action plans taken like the editorial in the daiy news.

Whatever the case why would the whole President relay a telephone conversation almost instantly to the public! Couldnot he wait until his aides had something to add up or substract. Egoisticism! Hypocricy! Unpreparedness. He might not have an agenda and this came in just on the right time. And why should an ambassador call President on such matters. Can you imagine Hon Maajar calling President Obama that Kikwete said nice things about you!?
Click to expand...

Mkuu I agree with you, the action of immediately relaying his conversation with the US ambassador shows that he is desperate for good news and to prove his 'achievements' . It stinks of desperation. :smile-big:
What is actually this was a message (subtle message) hinting that Tanzania can NOT expect more aid if it does not respect democracy, transparency, etc, sasa instead of getting the hint, our hon prez goes and shoots off his mouth about this private conversation, I can see the US ambassador cringing! Bwahahaha :becky:
 
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Wakuu mkitukana mjue haionyeshwi hapa ni hoja tu hamna vioja.. najua tuna jazba but lazima tuwe calm and collected about this ...
 
Susuviri said:
Wakuu mkitukana mjue haionyeshwi hapa ni hoja tu hamna vioja.. najua tuna jazba but lazima tuwe calm and collected about this ...
Click to expand...


Obama on Tanzania:

".......The United States will focus our development efforts on countries like Tanzania that promote good governance and democracy; the rule of law and equal administration of justice; transparent institutions with strong civil societies; and respect for human rights. Because over the long run, democracy and economic growth go hand in hand......."

Hizo karata tu. Kikwete msanii.

Hiyo paragragh LAZIMA kailipia.

Watapataje Tanzanite nauranium bila kumwaga sifa hata kama ni za kinafiki??
 
Hotuba Kamili ya Obama ni hii hapa chini, inapatikana kwenye website ya White House:

The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
September 23, 2010


Remarks by the President to the United Nations General Assembly

United Nations Building

 New York, New York
10:01 A.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, my fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen. It is a great honor to address this Assembly for the second time, nearly two years after my election as President of the United States.

We know this is no ordinary time for our people. Each of us comes here with our own problems and priorities. But there are also challenges that we share in common as leaders and as nations.

We meet within an institution built from the rubble of war, designed to unite the world in pursuit of peace. And we meet within a city that for centuries has welcomed people from across the globe, demonstrating that individuals of every color, faith and station can come together to pursue opportunity, build a community, and live with the blessing of human liberty.

Outside the doors of this hall, the blocks and neighborhoods of this great city tell the story of a difficult decade. Nine years ago, the destruction of the World Trade Center signaled a threat that respected no boundary of dignity or decency. Two years ago this month, a financial crisis on Wall Street devastated American families on Main Street. These separate challenges have affected people around the globe. Men and women and children have been murdered by extremists from Casablanca to London; from Jalalabad to Jakarta. The global economy suffered an enormous blow during the financial crisis, crippling markets and deferring the dreams of millions on every continent. Underneath these challenges to our security and prosperity lie deeper fears: that ancient hatreds and religious divides are once again ascendant; that a world which has grown more interconnected has somehow slipped beyond our control.

These are some of the challenges that my administration has confronted since we came into office. And today, I’d like to talk to you about what we’ve done over the last 20 months to meet these challenges; what our responsibility is to pursue peace in the Middle East; and what kind of world we are trying to build in this 21st century.

Let me begin with what we have done. I have had no greater focus as President than rescuing our economy from potential catastrophe. And in an age when prosperity is shared, we could not do this alone. So America has joined with nations around the world to spur growth, and the renewed demand that could restart job creation.

We are reforming our system of global finance, beginning with Wall Street reform here at home, so that a crisis like this never happens again. And we made the G20 the focal point for international coordination, because in a world where prosperity is more diffuse, we must broaden our circle of cooperation to include emerging economies -- economies from every corner of the globe.

There is much to show for our efforts, even as there is much work to be done. The global economy has been pulled back from the brink of a depression, and is growing once more. We have resisted protectionism, and are exploring ways to expand trade and commerce among nations. But we cannot -- and will not -- rest until these seeds of progress grow into a broader prosperity, not only for all Americans, but for peoples around the globe.

As for our common security, America is waging a more effective fight against al Qaeda, while winding down the war in Iraq. Since I took office, the United States has removed nearly 100,000 troops from Iraq. We have done so responsibly, as Iraqis have transitioned to lead responsibility for the security of their country.

We are now focused on building a lasting partnership with the Iraqi people, while keeping our commitment to remove the rest of our troops by the end of next year.

While drawing down in Iraq, we have refocused on defeating al Qaeda and denying its affiliates a safe haven. In Afghanistan, the United States and our allies are pursuing a strategy to break the Taliban’s momentum and build the capacity of Afghanistan’s government and security forces, so that a transition to Afghan responsibility can begin next July. And from South Asia to the Horn of Africa, we are moving toward a more targeted approach -- one that strengthens our partners and dismantles terrorist networks without deploying large American armies.

As we pursue the world’s most dangerous extremists, we’re also denying them the world’s most dangerous weapons, and pursuing the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons.

Earlier this year, 47 nations embraced a work-plan to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials within four years. We have joined with Russia to sign the most comprehensive arms control treaty in decades. We have reduced the role of nuclear weapons in our security strategy. And here, at the United Nations, we came together to strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

As part of our effort on non-proliferation, I offered the Islamic Republic of Iran an extended hand last year, and underscored that it has both rights and responsibilities as a member of the international community. I also said -- in this hall -- that Iran must be held accountable if it failed to meet those responsibilities. And that is what we have done.

Iran is the only party to the NPT that cannot demonstrate the peaceful intentions of its nuclear program, and those actions have consequences. Through U.N. Security Council Resolution 1929, we made it clear that international law is not an empty promise.

Now let me be clear once more: The United States and the international community seek a resolution to our differences with Iran, and the door remains open to diplomacy should Iran choose to walk through it. But the Iranian government must demonstrate a clear and credible commitment and confirm to the world the peaceful intent of its nuclear program.

As we combat the spread of deadly weapons, we’re also confronting the specter of climate change. After making historic investments in clean energy and efficiency at home, we helped forge an accord in Copenhagen that -- for the first time -- commits all major economies to reduce their emissions. We are keenly aware this is just a first step. And going forward, we will support a process in which all major economies meet our responsibilities to protect the planet while unleashing the power of clean energy to serve as an engine of growth and development.

America has also embraced unique responsibilities with come -- that come with our power. Since the rains came and the floodwaters rose in Pakistan, we have pledged our assistance, and we should all support the Pakistani people as they recover and rebuild. And when the earth shook and Haiti was devastated by loss, we joined a coalition of nations in response. Today, we honor those from the U.N. family who lost their lives in the earthquake, and commit ourselves to stand with the people of Haiti until they can stand on their own two feet.

Amidst this upheaval, we have also been persistent in our pursuit of peace. Last year, I pledged my best efforts to support the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security, as part of a comprehensive peace between Israel and all of its neighbors. We have travelled a winding road over the last 12 months, with few peaks and many valleys. But this month, I am pleased that we have pursued direct negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians in Washington, Sharm el Sheikh and Jerusalem.

Now I recognize many are pessimistic about this process. The cynics say that Israelis and Palestinians are too distrustful of each other, and too divided internally, to forge lasting peace. Rejectionists on both sides will try to disrupt the process, with bitter words and with bombs and with gunfire. Some say that the gaps between the parties are too big; the potential for talks to break down is too great; and that after decades of failure, peace is simply not possible.

I hear those voices of skepticism. But I ask you to consider the alternative. If an agreement is not reached, Palestinians will never know the pride and dignity that comes with their own state. Israelis will never know the certainty and security that comes with sovereign and stable neighbors who are committed to coexistence. The hard realities of demography will take hold. More blood will be shed. This Holy Land will remain a symbol of our differences, instead of our common humanity.

I refuse to accept that future. And we all have a choice to make. Each of us must choose the path of peace. Of course, that responsibility begins with the parties themselves, who must answer the call of history. Earlier this month at the White House, I was struck by the words of both the Israeli and Palestinian leaders. Prime Minister Netanyahu said, “I came here today to find a historic compromise that will enable both people to live in peace, security, and dignity.” And President Abbas said, “We will spare no effort and we will work diligently and tirelessly to ensure these negotiations achieve their cause.”

These words must now be followed by action and I believe that both leaders have the courage to do so. But the road that they have to travel is exceedingly difficult, which is why I call upon Israelis and Palestinians -- and the world -- to rally behind the goal that these leaders now share. We know that there will be tests along the way and that one test is fast approaching. Israel’s settlement moratorium has made a difference on the ground and improved the atmosphere for talks.

And our position on this issue is well known. We believe that the moratorium should be extended. We also believe that talks should press on until completed. Now is the time for the parties to help each other overcome this obstacle. Now is the time to build the trust -- and provide the time -- for substantial progress to be made. Now is the time for this opportunity to be seized, so that it does not slip away.

Now, peace must be made by Israelis and Palestinians, but each of us has a responsibility to do our part as well. Those of us who are friends of Israel must understand that true security for the Jewish state requires an independent Palestine -- one that allows the Palestinian people to live with dignity and opportunity. And those of us who are friends of the Palestinians must understand that the rights of the Palestinian people will be won only through peaceful means -- including genuine reconciliation with a secure Israel.

I know many in this hall count themselves as friends of the Palestinians. But these pledges of friendship must now be supported by deeds. Those who have signed on to the Arab Peace Initiative should seize this opportunity to make it real by taking tangible steps towards the normalization that it promises Israel.

And those who speak on behalf of Palestinian self-government should help the Palestinian Authority politically and financially, and in doing so help the Palestinians build the institutions of their state.

Those who long to see an independent Palestine must also stop trying to tear down Israel. After thousands of years, Jews and Arabs are not strangers in a strange land. After 60 years in the community of nations, Israel’s existence must not be a subject for debate.

Israel is a sovereign state, and the historic homeland of the Jewish people. It should be clear to all that efforts to chip away at Israel’s legitimacy will only be met by the unshakeable opposition of the United States. And efforts to threaten or kill Israelis will do nothing to help the Palestinian people. The slaughter of innocent Israelis is not resistance -- it’s injustice. And make no mistake: The courage of a man like President Abbas, who stands up for his people in front of the world under very difficult circumstances, is far greater than those who fire rockets at innocent women and children.

The conflict between Israelis and Arabs is as old as this institution. And we can come back here next year, as we have for the last 60 years, and make long speeches about it. We can read familiar lists of grievances. We can table the same resolutions. We can further empower the forces of rejectionism and hate. And we can waste more time by carrying forward an argument that will not help a single Israeli or Palestinian child achieve a better life. We can do that.

Or, we can say that this time will be different -- that this time we will not let terror, or turbulence, or posturing, or petty politics stand in the way. This time, we will think not of ourselves, but of the young girl in Gaza who wants to have no ceiling on her dreams, or the young boy in Sderot who wants to sleep without the nightmare of rocket fire.

This time, we should draw upon the teachings of tolerance that lie at the heart of three great religions that see Jerusalem’s soil as sacred. This time we should reach for what’s best within ourselves. If we do, when we come back here next year, we can have an agreement that will lead to a new member of the United Nations -- an independent, sovereign state of Palestine, living in peace with Israel. (Applause.)

It is our destiny to bear the burdens of the challenges that I’ve addressed -- recession and war and conflict. And there is always a sense of urgency -- even emergency -- that drives most of our foreign policies. Indeed, after millennia marked by wars, this very institution reflects the desire of human beings to create a forum to deal with emergencies that will inevitably come.

But even as we confront immediate challenges, we must also summon the foresight to look beyond them, and consider what we are trying to build over the long term? What is the world that awaits us when today’s battles are brought to an end? And that is what I would like to talk about with the remainder of my time today.

One of the first actions of this General Assembly was to adopt a Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. That Declaration begins by stating that, “recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice, and peace in the world.”

The idea is a simple one -- that freedom, justice and peace for the world must begin with freedom, justice, and peace in the lives of individual human beings. And for the United States, this is a matter of moral and pragmatic necessity. As Robert Kennedy said, “the individual man, the child of God, is the touchstone of value, and all society, groups, the state, exist for his benefit.” So we stand up for universal values because it’s the right thing to do. But we also know from experience that those who defend these values for their people have been our closest friends and allies, while those who have denied those rights -- whether terrorist groups or tyrannical governments -- have chosen to be our adversaries.

Human rights have never gone unchallenged -- not in any of our nations, and not in our world. Tyranny is still with us -- whether it manifests itself in the Taliban killing girls who try to go to school, a North Korean regime that enslaves its own people, or an armed group in Congo-Kinshasa that use rape as a weapon of war.

In times of economic unease, there can also be an anxiety about human rights. Today, as in past times of economic downturn, some put human rights aside for the promise of short term stability or the false notion that economic growth can come at the expense of freedom. We see leaders abolishing term limits. We see crackdowns on civil society. We see corruption smothering entrepreneurship and good governance. We see democratic reforms deferred indefinitely.

As I said last year, each country will pursue a path rooted in the culture of its own people. Yet experience shows us that history is on the side of liberty; that the strongest foundation for human progress lies in open economies, open societies, and open governments. To put it simply, democracy, more than any other form of government, delivers for our citizens. And I believe that truth will only grow stronger in a world where the borders between nations are blurred.

America is working to shape a world that fosters this openness, for the rot of a closed or corrupt economy must never eclipse the energy and innovation of human beings. All of us want the right to educate our children, to make a decent wage, to care for the sick, and to be carried as far as our dreams and our deeds will take us. But that depends upon economies that tap the power of our people, including the potential of women and girls. That means letting entrepreneurs start a business without paying a bribe and governments that support opportunity instead of stealing from their people. And that means rewarding hard work, instead of reckless risk-taking.

Yesterday, I put forward a new development policy that will pursue these goals, recognizing that dignity is a human right and global development is in our common interest. America will partner with nations that offer their people a path out of poverty. And together, we must unleash growth that powers by individuals and emerging markets in all parts of the globe.

There is no reason why Africa should not be an exporter of agriculture, which is why our food security initiative is empowering farmers. There is no reason why entrepreneurs shouldn’t be able to build new markets in every society, which is why I hosted a summit on entrepreneurship earlier this spring, because the obligation of government is to empower individuals, not to impede them.

The same holds true for civil society. The arc of human progress has been shaped by individuals with the freedom to assemble and by organizations outside of government that insisted upon democratic change and by free media that held the powerful accountable. We have seen that from the South Africans who stood up to apartheid, to the Poles of Solidarity, to the mothers of the disappeared who spoke out against the Dirty War, to Americans who marched for the rights of all races, including my own.

Civil society is the conscience of our communities and America will always extend our engagement abroad with citizens beyond the halls of government. And we will call out those who suppress ideas and serve as a voice for those who are voiceless. We will promote new tools of communication so people are empowered to connect with one another and, in repressive societies, to do so with security. We will support a free and open Internet, so individuals have the information to make up their own minds. And it is time to embrace and effectively monitor norms that advance the rights of civil society and guarantee its expansion within and across borders.

Open society supports open government, but it cannot substitute for it. There is no right more fundamental than the ability to choose your leaders and determine your destiny. Now, make no mistake: The ultimate success of democracy in the world won’t come because the United States dictates it; it will come because individual citizens demand a say in how they are governed.

There is no soil where this notion cannot take root, just as every democracy reflects the uniqueness of a nation. Later this fall, I will travel to Asia. And I will visit India, which peacefully threw off colonialism and established a thriving democracy of over a billion people.

I’ll continue to Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority country, which binds together thousands of islands through the glue of representative government and civil society. I’ll join the G20 meeting on the Korean Peninsula, which provides the world’s clearest contrast between a society that is dynamic and open and free, and one that is imprisoned and closed. And I will conclude my trip in Japan, an ancient culture that found peace and extraordinary development through democracy.

Each of these countries gives life to democratic principles in their own way. And even as some governments roll back reform, we also celebrate the courage of a President in Colombia who willingly stepped aside, or the promise of a new constitution in Kenya.

The common thread of progress is the principle that government is accountable to its citizens. And the diversity in this room makes clear -- no one country has all the answers, but all of us must answer to our own people.

In all parts of the world, we see the promise of innovation to make government more open and accountable. And now, we must build on that progress. And when we gather back here next year, we should bring specific commitments to promote transparency; to fight corruption; to energize civic engagement; to leverage new technologies so that we strengthen the foundations of freedom in our own countries, while living up to the ideals that can light the world.

This institution can still play an indispensable role in the advance of human rights. It’s time to welcome the efforts of U.N. Women to protect the rights of women around the globe. (Applause.)

It’s time for every member state to open its elections to international monitors and increase the U.N. Democracy Fund. It’s time to reinvigorate U.N. peacekeeping, so that missions have the resources necessary to succeed, and so atrocities like sexual violence are prevented and justice is enforced -- because neither dignity nor democracy can thrive without basic security.

And it’s time to make this institution more accountable as well, because the challenges of a new century demand new ways of serving our common interests.

The world that America seeks is not one we can build on our own. For human rights to reach those who suffer the boot of oppression, we need your voices to speak out. In particular, I appeal to those nations who emerged from tyranny and inspired the world in the second half of the last century -- from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to South America. Don’t stand idly by, don’t be silent, when dissidents elsewhere are imprisoned and protesters are beaten. Recall your own history. Because part of the price of our own freedom is standing up for the freedom of others.

That belief will guide America’s leadership in this 21st century. It is a belief that has seen us through more than two centuries of trial, and it will see us through the challenges we face today -- be it war or recession; conflict or division.

So even as we have come through a difficult decade, I stand here before you confident in the future -- a future where Iraq is governed by neither tyrant nor a foreign power, and Afghanistan is freed from the turmoil of war; a future where the children of Israel and Palestine can build the peace that was not possible for their parents; a world where the promise of development reaches into the prisons of poverty and disease; a future where the cloud of recession gives way to the light of renewal and the dream of opportunity is available to all.

This future will not be easy to reach. It will not come without setbacks, nor will it be quickly claimed. But the founding of the United Nations itself is a testament to human progress. Remember, in times that were far more trying than our own, our predecessors chose the hope of unity over the ease of division and made a promise to future generations that the dignity and equality of human beings would be our common cause.

It falls to us to fulfill that promise. And though we will be met by dark forces that will test our resolve, Americans have always had cause to believe that we can choose a better history; that we need only to look outside the walls around us. For through the citizens of every conceivable ancestry who make this city their own, we see living proof that opportunity can be accessed by all, that what unites us as human beings is far greater than what divides us, and that people from every part of this world can live together in peace.


Thank you very much. (Applause.)

END

10:34 A.M. EDT
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Soyry, kuna hotuba mbili: kuna hotuba aliyotoa tarehe 22 kwenye Millennium Development Summit na ile aliyotoa kwenye UN General Assembly tarehe 23. Hiyo ya tarahe 22 ni kweli aliitaja Tanzania isipokuwa hakusema kuwa tuna utawala mzuri kama Kikwete anavyodai ila alisema kuwa nchi zinazojitahidi kuwa na utawala mzuri kama Tanzania. Kujitahidi kuwa na utawala mzuri siyo kuwa una utawala mzuri.

Imaneiudhi zaidi kwa kiongozi kama Kikwete kutamba kuwa tutaenedela kupata misaada: ujinga gani huu jamani, yaani yeye anategemea kutawala nchi kwa kutegemea misaada?
 
jamani hivi huyu kikwete bado kuna wanaona ni mkweli huyu? heee labda wapo hasa kwa kuwa mjinga ni rafiki wa mjinga
 
Kichuguu said:
Soyry, kuna hotuba mbili: kuna hotuba aliyotoa tarehe 22 kwenye Millennium Development Summit na ile aliyotoa kwenye UN General Assembly tarehe 23. Hiyo ya tarahe 22 ni kweli aliitaja Tanzania isipokuwa hakusema kuwa tuna utawala mzuri kama Kikwete anavyodai ila alisema kuwa nchi zinazojitahidi kuwa na utawala mzuri kama Tanzania. Kujitahidi kuwa na utawala mzuri siyo kuwa una utawala mzuri.

Imaneiudhi zaidi kwa kiongozi kama Kikwete kutamba kuwa tutaenedela kupata misaada: ujinga gani huu jamani, yaani yeye anategemea kutawala nchi kwa kutegemea misaada?
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Suala la Utegemezi usimlaumu JK, hilo limefanywa kuwa hivyo na the so called Super Powers!!!! kama hutaki utakiona cha Moto...!!!

Leo hii Iran imesimama kidete kutetea haki zake hakuna nchi inayoziunga mkono...Iran wametuzidi kila idara..cha Ajabu pesa ya Iran haina Thaman kwa Shilings za Tanzania...nani amefanya pesa ya Iran iwe haina thaman?....Hivyo vita vya Kila nchi, the so called Super Powers zina Mikono yao.
 
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