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Hivi udp ni ngo ya cheyo?sidhani wananchi 5,000 wa tanzania kama wanamfahamu katibu wa udp?

Discussion in 'Jukwaa la Siasa' started by Sajidu Mzalendo, Mar 25, 2011.

  1. S

    Sajidu Mzalendo Member

    #1
    Mar 25, 2011
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    Sioni harakati zozote za zinazofanywa na UDP kuimarisha chama. Mh.Cheyo kakifaanya chama chake kuwa NGO,chama cha mjungu (Pandikizi la CCM) dhidi ya uhujumu wa upinzani nchini. Cheyo ni mwenyekiti mfu, mbinafsi,mnafiki, mchoyo na hafai kushirikishwa kwenye harakati za vyama makini vya upinzani nchini.
     
  2. POMPO

    POMPO JF-Expert Member

    #2
    Mar 25, 2011
    Joined: Mar 12, 2011
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    Binafsi na watz wengi hatumfahamu huyo katibu. Mkuu 100% ni NGO alimaaru. ccm-B
     
  3. Mchaka Mchaka

    Mchaka Mchaka JF Bronze Member

    #3
    Mar 25, 2011
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    Na katibu mkuu wa kile chama cha mtikila Je? au wote ni wale wale!
     
  4. n

    nderingosha JF-Expert Member

    #4
    Mar 25, 2011
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    Kwa wale waliopata nafasi ya kupitia majumuisho ya tafiti mbalimbali za kitiba na kijamii hapa Tz watakubaliana nami kuwa kuna uhusiano mkubwa(kama si wa moja kwa moja)kati ya ongezeko la maradhi na ugumu wa maisha.

    • Kwenye zile sehemu zenye low social economic status(hali duni ya maisha ya kijamii na kiuchumi)watu wake wana ongezeko maradufu la maradhi ya kuambukiza kama vile malaria,kuhara,kifua kikuu na hata Ukimwi(hii wataalam wanaihusisha na mfumo duni wa kinga ya mwili kwa hawa watu unaotokana na lishe duni).Lishe duni kwa hawa watu husababishwa na uwezo mdogo wa kujinunulia chakula.Ukitaka kujua kwa urahisi tatizo hili basi fika kwenye hospitali za maeneo haya ujionee jinsi zinavyosheheni wagonjwa hawa na jinsi zilivyo na vifo vingi kutokana na magonjwa yanayoambukiza.
    • Kwa hapa dar wilaya ya Temeke inaongoza kwa kuwa na lowest social economic status ndiyo sababu hata hospitali zake zinajaa wagonjwa wa aina hii(fika temeke hospital ujionee)hata muhimbili wagonjwa wengi waathirika na maradhi ya kuambukiza address zao ni za kutoka temeke.Nadhani ndo sababu wilaya ya temeke hutumika sana kama sample kwa hizi tafiti za kijamii na kiafya.
    • Angalizo: kwanini serikali haifanyii kazi swala hili?ni jambo la ajabu kukuta kwamba haya yanatokea dar es salaam mji wa kibiashara tz(ambapo eti kila mtu anakimbilia!),nenda mbagala uone,watu wanaishi kwa sh.500 kwa siku:mafuta ya sh.50,unga robo,mboga.sh 50, mkaa sh.100 kwisha(nyie mnazungumzia umeme mh!),na huyu mtu unakuta ana mke na watoto 3(nyie mnafikiria eti kupeleka watoto shule?mzaha huo).Haya yote yanafanyika bongo alafu mnasema tunaendelea,sijui tunapambana na vifo vya mama na mtoto tz ili kukidhi millenium development goals?kama hapa hapa dar mtu anakosa mlo kwa familia yake,je huko vijijini sijui namtumbo,tunduru,newala n.k?.Tafakari...............
     
  5. nngu007

    nngu007 JF-Expert Member

    #5
    Mar 25, 2011
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    In Tanzania, confrontations on the mainland between the Muslim minority and the Christian majority have flared up frequently in the past few years. These tensions are too complex to be labelled as a fundamental antagonism based on religion. Neither Muslims nor Christians form a homogeneous block. On the contrary both groups are divided among themselves over fundamental questions not only concerning religious dogmas, but also on the future development of society as such. Similarly, for historical reasons the Muslims of Zanzibar, who form a large majority of the population there, are split into different confessional groups.
    Compared to some other African countries with a Muslim minority in Tanzania the debate on shari’a took a different dimension. This was caused by the state policy of independent Tanganyika to take secularist stand towards religion.[1] Shari’a in personal matters was discontinued to be applicable in courts and the kadhi’s courts were abolished immediately after independence. As a result all cases arising from Muslim parties were to be handled by the Primary courts. However, in practice Muslims still take their cases to the Muslim Council albeit the lack of judicial sanction. After independence, Tanzania embarked on the process of unification of personal laws with a view of having a unified law to all her citizens irrespective of their religious inclinations. The unification process resulted in the application of the Law of Marriage Act of 1971. Several sections of this Act contravened shari’a dictates. Interestingly enough, no significant voices of resentment were heard.[2] In 1991 a Non-Muslim member of Parliament presented a bill to re-establish kadhi’s courts in mainland Tanzania.[3]
    Due to historical reasons in Zanzibar, kadhi’s courts have remained in place without interruption. Kadhi’s courts were retained after the 1964 revolution whereas all other conventional courts were abolished. Thus, kadhi’s courts are part of the national judicial system of Zanzibar and Islamic law is predominant in matters of personal status. This demonstrates the significance of religion / shari’a in the Zanzibarian context. Many Muslims of Zanzibar regard attempts by mainlanders to reform some aspects of the judicial system as attack on Zanzibar’s legislative autonomy.[4] Debates on the shari’a, which are entangled in these other matters, have existed since the 1980s.[5] With the view of accommodating religious leadership and containing religious activities, the Zanzibar Government enacted the controversial Mufti Act of 2001. Reforms on kadhi’s courts were undertaken smoothly by the State in 2003 without public engagement.[6] Within the Muslim community serious debates are going on about the future role of shari’a in Tanzania’s legal system. For instance some Muslim associations of female lawyers in Zanzibar have called for an implementation of the secular law of personal status of mainland Tanzania.[7]
    Christians have been perceived as the ‘winners’ following independence and this has generated suspicion concerning any government initiative dealing with Muslims. This has led to Tanzanian authors giving a reassessment of the independence struggle and the counter charge of ‘revisionist histories’.[8]
    When the first president, Julius K. Nyerere, a Christian, stepped down in 1985, the presidency went to Ali Hassan Mwinyi, a Muslim from Zanzibar, who had previously served as President of Zanzibar and Vice-President of the United Republic of Tanzania. The response of Christians was to look for signs of an expected favouritism towards the Muslims. Mohamed Said and the Workshop of Muslim Writers published research on the provision of Education and demonstrated that Muslims had been poorly treated.[9]
    The move by Zanzibar to unilaterally join OIC in 1992 was seen as an attempt at breaking the Union and they were forced to withdraw in 1993.[10] The divisions can be seen as partially Christian-Muslim, but also bara (mainland) and visiwa (islands). The attacks on the Dar es Salaam Pork Butchers shops at Easter 1993 has been seen as an attempt at Islamising Tanzania, but the Police and Judiciary, showed themselves to be independent of any government pressure and cracked down. However, this can also be interpreted as the government structures being so entirely Christianised that they would not respond to perceived Islamising.
    The Mwembechai Killings, in February 1998 which are fully documented by Njozi and the differences between the ruling party CCM and an opposition party Civic United Front highlight the tensions that could easily be utilised by groups to destabilise the state.[11]
    Christians living in districts with a Muslim presence are aware of tensions and various initiatives have been started to help build up mutual trust. One such initiative is the Commission of Muslims and Christians for Peace, Development and Conflict Resolutions, known in Swahili as TUWWAMUTA.[12] This initiative has worked with communities, particularly in Dar es Salaam and has made some limited progress. Both the Protestant Christian Council of Churches (CCT) and the Roman Catholic Tanzania Episcopal Council (TEC) operate inter-faith desks and run programmes to educate Christians to have a greater understanding of Islam.
     
  6. nngu007

    nngu007 JF-Expert Member

    #6
    Mar 25, 2011
    Joined: Aug 2, 2010
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    [​IMG]

    The prime minister struggled to persuade voters to support a parliamentary candidate on the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) ticket in Sumbawanga constituency in southwestern Tanzania hardly a day before the polling last week.

    Over 99 percent of the voters in the constituency are Christians who had accused the candidate Aeishi Halfan Hilal of offending Christianity when he used the doctrine of the Trinity to liken CCM presidential candidate Jakaya Kikwete with Father and himself a Holy Spirit at a previous campaign rally.

    Despite premier Pinda assuring voters the party had met Roman Catholic clergymen and apologized for the candidate’s “misuse of words” the gathering seemed unconvinced as they quietly infuriated, in anger.

    After the elections were held and final results announced, CCM lost the seat to the main opposition party Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo(Chadema).

    Religious biases in Tanzania’s elections started with the church’s reaction to a budget proposal to re-examine tax exemptions enjoyed by churches as there were reports of widespread abuse, like importing luxury vehicles by private individuals, probably friends of senior clergymen, and denying revenue to the government early this year.

    Despite the government finally removing the proposal, the bitterness endured as in the final analysis it sounded as if the church believed that President Jakaya Kikwete and finance minister Mustafa Mkulo were taking one step back because it was election time.

    The issue of not choosing candidates basing on their religious affiliations in the country needs to be stretched wider than what President Kikwete said – that voters should not choose candidates basing on their religion affiliations, which he said, would endanger peace and unity the country has enjoyed since independence - in his final address a few hours before the elections. Despite the feeling but the election principal in relation to religion over the years has been that the candidate should meet standards and criteria for being supported or elected as President.

    However, there was a mixture of ideas on the issue by religious leaders during the campaigns with Sheikh Mohammed Iddi Mohammed and Bishop Sylvester Gamanywa who issued a declaration against canvassing for Chadema’s presidential candidate Dr Wilibrod Slaa on religious grounds, much as they did not cite him by name.

    On the other side, bishop David Mwasota of Pentecostal Churches of Tanzania (PCT) was apparently credited with a circulating e-mail of bringing all votes to ‘a Christian,’ while a radio program over a Muslim station (Radio Heri 104 FM), with Sheikh Mohammed Idd present, raised critical issues on the Christian clerics. He pointed out that their manifesto had singled out the need for an honest and God-fearing individual as leader or one that could be voted for, and no such evidence was available in relation to Dr Slaa, but clearly the churches were canvassing for him.

    That was before unconfirmed reports started travelling across the country that the President, who is a Muslim, was quietly awarding key positions to his fellow Muslims. The claims led to the publishing of an article in a newspaper owned by businessman-politician Rostam Aziz - a close associate of the President - showing the number of non-Muslim senior civil servants in the government andparastatals. But as it was on the final day of campaigns, it is hard to say how much this swung voters on the side of the president.

    When it comes to the final tally, from 10 million voters in 2005 to 8 million voters this time – it is evident thatPresident Kikwete was the big loser. It was his votes which came down, that is 6 million and 80 percent of the vote to 4 million and 61 percent of the vote. Dr Slaa (standing in for Freeman Mbowe who contested for Chadema in 2005) changed places with Prof. Lipumba, who now took Mbowe’s 0.6 million votes and Dr Slaa took the professor’s 2.8 million votes of 2005. That seemed to be a clear structural repetition of 2005 voting!

    But the general mood - clearly visible during this time - is a big contradiction, with the widely touted belief that Tanzania is a country of unity where people’s religious beliefs and tribe have never been a dividing factor like in its neighboring countries such as Kenya.

    Religion has always been a silent factor on the Mainland, but was diminished by first President Julius Nyerere’s ties with clerics of the Muslim side, and natural support from his own Catholic and Christian quarters. As Nyerere was in office for a long time, and his repressive manner of rule removed critics like Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, this homogenous affinity with Nyerere across the religious divide became something of a national culture.

    But the issues had not been resolved underneath, partially owing to the lingering effects of the Zanzibar Revolution, and the latter being a hotbed of anti-Nyerere sentiments (which even the late Prof. Abdulrahman Mohamed Babu (an Afro-Shiraz Party brain) entertained. Despite that, Nyerere probably saved him from certain execution by Isles authorities had he been returned there instead of being detained.

    The issue about church influence is less religion than policy but that was actually exasperated by Dr Slaa in the presidential race that seemed tough for the ruling party. It was evident that the ruling party felt that his candidature would swing Christian voters to his advantage, as most religious leaders from key denominations/churches came out to show their support for theDr. The general presidential campaigns also put the ruling party and its presidential candidate on the defensive especially on issues related to graft, free education and free health care.

    But the basic issue and running theme of the exhaustion with the Kikwete presidency wasn’t the free education and free health care issues in the first place but quite simply the hard conditions of life, owing to currency depreciation that has been continuing over time. On top of that, is the condition of high taxation - VAT of 20 percent that was lately reduced to 18 percent but it is still higher than the general level in East Africa of 15 to 16 percent.

    It seems in recent years Tanzania Revenue Authority is seeking to tax everything; even bread sellers are supposed to place machines that ensure that each piece of bread is taxed separately, and guest houses are invaded at 2 am or thereabouts for taxmen to check exactly how many rooms are occupied.

    Inflation is the core issue. Pricing of goods is high owing to a public sector dominated economy where competition is irrelevant in costs of production for the main inputs like electricity, landline telecommunications, water and lack of railroad facilities for cheapening the transportation of goods.

    The opposition have tied all this to the basic misconception that development comes out of optimal levels of taxation to ensure good social services, whereas high taxes ruin people’s ability to make ends meet, cut what people have in the pocket, make investment more risky and heightens the level of corruption.

    Lack of integrity in the civil service (whereby most civil servants have tried so hard to loot the national coffers) - and impunity - has clouded those who have been indentified for involvement in high- level corruption scandals and have been left unprosecuted also became a major issue in the campaigns.

    For example, the CCM government was widely criticized at campaign rallies for protecting top party officials who are linked to the looting of more than $100m (£66m) from the Central Bank, which is believed to have funded the 2005 elections. The civil society and opposition also expressed concern over lack of independent electoral commission since the current commission seems to be under control of the state since its head is elected by the President.

    While announcing the election results, however, the commission in response to reporters’ questions said civil servants have to obey the government of the day, stating that even a commission filled with nominees of political parties would not function anyway as they would always fail to agree.

    It was at that time when the opposition warned that the ruling party was planning to misuse the intelligence and security services officers to rig the votes around the country. The ruling ignored the allegations but then the opposition again accused the first lady Salma Kikwete for misusing public resources to campaign for her husband. The State House distanced itself from the allegations but the European Union observers’ preliminary report has expressed concerns over the use of public resources such as government vehicles in the campaigns.

    Dangers to press freedom were hovering over the media for the past month on account of the widespread enthusiasm which started dominating headlines of newspapers once Dr Wilibrod Slaa stepped into the campaign. In a way, this enthusiasm could have been predicted as the campaign was just picking up the torch of the anti-graft campaign from the batch of CCM MPs currently in a running battle with the government over major scandals. The point is that it appeared that the two newspapers – a daily Kiswahili newspapers with the highest circulation and a political tabloid Mwanahalisi found it altogether easy to give signals of what the ruling party interpreted as contempt - for instance in the story about a lorry carrying large amounts of fake ballots already marked out with a 'yes' for the incumbent.

    But that was when the country was still recovering from the shock experienced after the government owned Daily News published an editorial on its front page, saying “Dr Wilibrod Slaa will not become the fifth president of the United Republic, and the press behind him can quote us on that.”

    Without seeking to play the devil’s advocate, it was altogether understandable for the Daily News editor to move the proposition. It was similar to sentiments former editors of government-owned newspapers have expressed. In other words, to prevent that outcome, which is logical in an environment where one fears a mess arising from failing to protect the interests of the rulers.
     
  7. K

    KAMBOTA Senior Member

    #7
    Mar 25, 2011
    Joined: Mar 21, 2011
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    “…..And why do you look at the speck in your brother’s eye, but do not consider the plank in your own eye? Or how can you say to your brother, let me remove the speck from your eye , and look a plank is in your own eye? Hypocrite! First remove the plank from your own eye , and then you will see clearly to remove the speck from your brother’s eye….”(Mathew7;3-5)

    Kama tangu mwaka huu uanze kuna jambo limetushtua wengi basi ni la hivi juzi ambapo “wanaharakati” fulani wamekusudia kuandamana kupinga uvamizi wa mataifa ya kigeni yakiongozwa na wamarekani. Wanaharakati hao walipanga kuandamana jijini Dar es salaam lakini hata hivyo nitoe pongezi zangu za dhati kwa kamanda wa polisi kanda maalumu ya Dar es salaam Suleiman Kova kwa kuzuia maandamano hayo ingawa sihitaji kujua kwanini Kova amezuia maandamano hayo lakini inatosha kusema kuwa AMETUFURAHISHA WATANZANIA WENGI KWA HATUA YAKE HIYO!
    Hata mimi nikiri wazi kuwa nimekuwa nikijishughulisha na uandishi wa habari za kiuchambuzi na pia mambo ya vijana ikiwa ni pamoja na kutetea haki za vijana hivyo watu wanaonifahamu siyo ajabu kuniita mwanaharakati jina ambalo sasa nimeanza kulizoea tofauti na baadhi ya wanaharakati wa kujipa baadhi yao wanataka kuandamana.
    Katika moja ya maandiko yangu niliwahi kuandika kuwa ni lazima kuwe na tofauti kati ya mwanasiasa na mwanaharakati hasa kwa chi yetu hii ya Tanzania baapo waanasiasa wamekuwa ni watu wa blah blah tu wengi wao, nilisema kuwa ni lazima wanaharakati tujipambanue kimtazamo, maono, maneno na hata matendo kwa maana uwepo mpaka unaoonekana wazi kabisa kwamba Dr Azavelus Lwaitama ni mwanaharakati lakini Jakaya Kikwete ni mwanasiasa iwe tofauti ya wazi kama kuswali msikitini na kusali kanisani.
    Lakini wapi Bwana! Naona sijaeleweka kabisa yaani kuna wanaharakati wanafanya kazi ya siasa badala ya utetezi wa wanyonge, chukulia mfano hawa wanaharakati wanaotaka kuandamana kupinga uvamizi wa Marekani Libya kwanza naona hoja zao ni dhaifu, hazina mashiko , zipo kisiasa kuliko kimantiki na mwishowe ni hoja mfu kiasi kwamba hata kama kuna ufufuko wa wafu siku ya mwisho basi ni dhahiri shahiri kuwa hazitafufuka! Nitasema kwanini?
    Kwanza wanapoandamana kwenye wakati huu ni kama binti anayekunywa dawa za uzazi wa mpango wakati tayari ana mamba ya miezi tisa, mgogoro wa Libya ulipoanza wanaharakati hawa walikuwa wapi? Kwanini Ghadafi alipokuwa anatumia vifaa vizitivizito vya kijeshi dhidi ya wanaompinga ambao yeye aliwaita waasi kwasababu hana uvumilivu wa kisiasa je wanaharakati wetu walikuwa wapi? Kwanini hawakuandamana? Watu wanavyokufa Somalia kila siku kwanini wanaharakati wetu wasiandamane kulaani basi? Ghadafi amekaa madarakani miaka 41 mimi nategemea wanaharakati wawe watetezi wa demokrasia wangemwonya Ghadafi au kuandamana basi kwa maana hata kama wananchi walikuwa wanamtaka bado haiingii akilini kwa Ghadafi kukaa muda wote huo, naendelea kuhoji tena hivi Ghadafi alipoua ukabila kisha akauanzisha tena ili aendelee kutawala hawa wanaharakati wetu walikuwa wapi kwanini hawakuandamana?
    Au ndio walikuwa wako busy na kusaka mahela?
    Pili hawa watu ni wanafiki , mimi nashangaa sana wanawezaje kuona tatizo la Libya bila tatizo matatizo yetu watanzania? Niweke wazi kuwa hata mimi nakerwa na hatua ya wamarekani kuvamia Libya lakini ukweli ni huu naumia zaidi shule za kata zinavyoboronga kwenye mitihani, hivyo najaribu kujiuliza hivi hawa wanaharakati kwanini wasiandamane kushinikiza serikali kuboresha mara moja kwa vitendo shule za kata? Au watwambie wanaharakati wetu hawa kuwa kipi lipi linawauma zaidi? Marekani kuvamia Libya au watoto wetu wa shule za kata kuvuna sifuri kala baada ya miaka minne?, najaribu kujihoji wanaharakati wetu hawa wamefanya nini kuunga mkono harakati za wanafunzi wa vyuo vikuu kudai nyongeza ya pesa za kujikimu? Au kwanini hawakuandamana na wanafunzi wa shule za msingi na sekondari kupinga kuongezwa nauli kwa watoto hao kufikia 150? Kwanini wasiandamane kupinga malipo ya Dowans? Au kwanini wasiandamane kupinga huduma mbovu za afya kwenye hospitali za serikali? Au tuseme wanaharakati wetu hawayaoni haya matatizo yetu au wanataka kujizolea umaarufu kirahisirahisi tu?
    Tatu watanzania tuwe macho na hawa wanaharakati ma-opportunists, wanaendeshwa na fursa kama mtaji wa kujipatia umaarufu, hii ni tabia ya wanasiasa kujitakia umaarufu siio tabia ya wanaharakati hata kidogo narudia tena tofauti kati ya mwanaharakati na mwanasiasa iwe wazi kama sera za CHADEMA na CCM zinavyotofautiana , ni lazima tuone tofauti kati ya mwanasiasa Benjamin Mkapa na mwanaharakati Jenerali Ulimwengu vinginevyo kuna hatari huko mbele tuendako wanasiasa wakajigeuza na kujivika ngozi ya uanaharakati ili tu wafanikishe malengo yao kiahisi rrahisi tu…..mtaji kidogo faida kubwa…..

    Mwishowe nitoe angalizo kwa hawa wanaharakati wetu kuwa watanzania tupo macho na mpotoshaji yoyote anayetaka kutudanganya tuache mambo ya msingi kama Dowans na ugumu wa maisha unaotukabili, hatuko tayari kuzugwa kirahisirahisi kwa propaganda kama hizi za kupinga uvamizi Libya ilihali sekta ya madini imeshindwa kutukomboa kabisa licha ya kubinafsisha madini yetu hayo kwa hao wazungu.

    Kitendawili sio deni ukishindwa nipe mji
    Hata kama hutaki ukweli ni kuwa maendeleo ni mtoto wa taabu

    … Naandika ili nitukanwe Naam! Nimeshaandika sasa nasubiri kutukanwa! Allutacontinua…..

    Makala hii imeandikwa na Nova Kambota mwanaharati
    0717-709618 au 0766-730256
    Email; novakambota@gmail.com
    Nitembelee; www.novatzdream.blogspot.com
    Tanzania East Africa
    25 March 2011.






     

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  8. M

    Mokoyo JF-Expert Member

    #8
    Mar 26, 2011
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    nimependa uchambuzi wako Mkuu. Ukweli ni kuwa Bongo hakuna tofauti kati ya Mwanaharakati na Mwanasiasa. Wengi wanatumia uhanarakati kutimiza malengo yao ya kisiasa na kidini
     
  9. NOT FOUND

    NOT FOUND Senior Member

    #9
    Mar 26, 2011
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    WANA J.F,
    HEBU TUJIKUMBUSHE ENZI ZA VITA YA KAGERA, VITA AMBAYO ILICHANGIA KWA KIASI KIKUBWA SANA KUIDHOOFISHA TANZANIA NA MPAKA SASA BADO MAKOVU YA KAGERA WAR HAYAJAFUTIKA, KATIKA VITA HII MUAMMAR AL-GADDAFI, ALIFANYA KWA KADRI YA UWEZO WAKE KUHAKIKISHA KWAMBA IDDI AMIN ANAIVAMIA TANZANIA NA KUWAUA WATANZANIA NA HATIMAYE KUSHINDA VITA, KATIKA KUTHIBITISHA HILO ALIJITOLEA MSAADA WA HALI NA MALI, KUANZIA NDEGE, WANAJESHI MPAKA SILAHA MBALI MBALI KWA AJILI YA KUIANGAMIZA TANZANIA, KWA WALE AMBAO WANGEPENDA KUFAHAMU NI KWA JINSI GANI GADDAFI ALIPANIA KUWAANGAMIZA WATANZANIA, ATEMBELEE UWANJA WA NDEGE WA KILIMANJARO, (KIA) PALE IPO KUMBUKUMBU YA DEGE LILILOTUMWA NA GADDAFI BAHATI NZURI MASHUJAA WETU WALIFANIKIWA KULITEKA.

    UKIACHANA NA HAYO, HUYU HUYU GADDAFI, AMEUA WANANCHI WAKE WENGI KWELI WAKATI DEMONSTRATION INAANZA, LAKINI HAKUNA MTANZANIA ALIYEJITOKEZA KULAANI KITENDO KILE, NA HATA SASA, BADO KUNA WAASI WANAOPIGANA DHIDI YA SERIKALI YA GADDAFI.

    MAREKANI WALIJITOLEA KUONGOZA MAPAMBANO ILI KUMZUIA GADDAFI ASIWAUWE WANANCHI WASIO NA HATIA, HADI MAJUZI MAREKANI ILIPOACHIA MAJUKUMU HAYO KWA UMOJA WA KUJIHAMI NATO.

    CHA AJABU, WAISLAMU WA TANZANIA WANAITISHA MAANDAMANO ETI YA KUILAANI MAREKANI (WAKATI KUNA UFARANSA ++) KWA KUIVAMIA LIBYA.

    NIMEJIULIZA SABABU NI NINI NIMESHINDWA KUPATA JIBU, LABDA SABABU NI NYAMA ZA NGAMIA, TENDE,A HALUWA NA MISIKITI ANAYOIFADHILI HAPA TANZANIA, KWA MAMBO HAYO WATANZANIA WA KIISLAM WAMEKUWA TAYARI KUITANGAZIA DUNIA ULIMBUKENI WALIO NAO, WAKATI NCHI YETU IMEJAWA NA MATATIZO NA SHIDA KIBAO, WEWE UNAHAMASISHA WATU WAINGIE BARABARANI KUIPINGA MAREKANI, DUH!!!!!!

    NAWASIHI NDUGU ZANGU WENYE MLENGO WA NAMNA HIYO WAACHE UNAFIKI MARA MOJA, WAKAE CHINI NA KUTAFAKARI JUU YA MAENDELEO YA NCHI YAO NA SIO KUANDAMANI ETI KWA SABABU MUUAJI ANAYEWAJENGEA MISIKITI AMEVAMIWA.

    HUU NI MSIKITI ALIOWAJENGEA WAISLAM KULE DODOMA, NI MSIKITI MKUBWA KULIKO YOTE TANZANIA:

    View attachment 25719

    Str8talk Chronicle
     
  10. Candid Scope

    Candid Scope JF-Expert Member

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    Mar 26, 2011
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    [​IMG]
    AP – In this photo provided by Brazilian doctor Liacyr Ribeiro, Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi, left, and Brazilian …

    SAO PAULO – It was well past midnight when the Brazilian surgeon says he was escorted deep inside a bunker in the Libyan capital. His assignment: to shave years off Moammar Gadhafi's appearance by removing fat from his belly and injecting it into his wrinkled face. The Libyan leader also got hair plugs. "He told me that he had been in power for 25 years at that time, and that he did not want the young people of his nation to see him as an old man," Dr. Liacyr Ribeiro recalled. "I recommended a facelift, but he refused."

    The secretive four-hour procedure in 1995 was done, at Gadhafi's insistence, with local anesthesia because he wanted to remain alert. Midway through, the Libyan leader stopped to have a hamburger. Gadhafi was worried a facelift would be too noticeable, so he opted for the less radical procedure, the plastic surgeon told The Associated Press. "I warned Gadhafi that the effects of the operation I performed would last for about five years, that it had an expiration date after which the skin would sag and the wrinkles would reappear," Ribeiro said. "He said he would call me if he needed me to come back," and about five years ago there was such a request, but Ribeiro had a family obligation. "They never called me again," he said.

    At the time of the surgery, Gadhafi was 53, but Ribeiro said he looked at least 10 years older. A photo taken at the time shows the smiling doctor posing next to the Libyan leader, who wore a white suit, floral shirt and had pronounced wrinkles crisscrossing his face and neck. After the procedure, "he looked like a 45-year-old man," the doctor said. Ribeiro insists he is speaking out now only to provide insight into a man about whom little is known, and certainly not to boast. "Gadhafi is not looking very good these days," said Ribeiro, noting that the 68-year-old leader has appeared jowly in recent appearances, his skin puffy, loose and deeply creased. "To let potential patients know that I operated on him would be counterproductive."

    Gadhafi is hardly the only world leader to go under the knife. Italian Premier Silvio Berlusconi owes his look to plastic surgery and a hair transplant — work also performed by Ribeiro, according to media reports, though the doctor refuses to confirm that. And rumors swirled about Russian leader Vladimir Putin after he appeared last October with heavy makeup covering bruises under his eyes. A surgeon with an international reputation, the 70-year-old Ribeiro has written two books on plastic surgery and taken part in conferences around the world on the topic. It was at one such gathering, in May 1994 in Tripoli, that Ribeiro spoke about his specialty, cosmetic breast surgery.

    fterward, a Libyan official identified as Mohamed Zaid "came up to me and said he wanted me to meet someone who Libyans love very much," Ribeiro said. "Because of my specialty, I thought he was going to introduce me to his wife." Instead, Zaid drove Ribeiro to a house surrounded by armed guards. "Zaid and I were taken to a library located underneath a tent set up inside the house, and there he told me that he wanted me to examine Gadhafi," Ribeiro said.

    A few minutes later, the Libyan leader, wearing a long white tunic, entered the room, "shook my hand and greeted me, speaking perfect English." "He was an extremely polite, intelligent, cordial and soft-spoken person who quickly told me what he wanted and why," Ribeiro said. Gadhafi wanted an immediate operation, but Ribeiro needed a surgical team and the procedure was scheduled for January 1995.

    It began at 2 a.m. in Gadhafi's bunker, which "had two fully equipped and very modern operating rooms, a gym and a swimming pool," Ribeiro said. "He insisted on local anesthesia saying he wanted to remain alert," the doctor added. "He was a very calm patient."
    Sao Paulo-based plastic surgeon Dr. Fabio Naccache confirmed to the AP that he was part of the team and performed a hair transplant on the Libyan leader. About halfway through, Gadhafi said he was hungry. "Hamburgers were brought in for all and surgery was interrupted for several minutes while we ate," the surgeon said.

    Afterward, Zaid handed Ribeiro an envelope "full of U.S. dollars and Swiss francs." He would not say how much money it contained. "All I can say is that it was more than I would charge for my services in Brazil," he said. The doctor stayed in Tripoli for 10 days while Gadhafi recovered. Ribeiro said he assumes Gadhafi turned to him because Libyan surgeons were either "incapable of doing what I did or too scared that he would die on the operating table."
    Source: [​IMG]
     
  11. Mu-sir

    Mu-sir JF-Expert Member

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    Mar 26, 2011
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    Ni kweli mkuu nakuunga mkono. Mimi nadhani hayo maandamano ni ya mrengo wa kidini zaidi. Kwani wananchi wa Libya wenyewe mbona hawaandamani tuje tuandamane sisi? Watanzania wengi tutabaki kusaidia wenzetu huku sisi yetu tukiyaacha eti kwa kusingizia amani ya kinafiki.
     
  12. nngu007

    nngu007 JF-Expert Member

    #12
    Mar 26, 2011
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    When our ancestors first looked out across Tanzania’s plains from Olduvai Gorge they must have thought: “This place has got potential”. People have been saying that about Tanzania ever since. But somehow it never seems to fulfil that potential. Despite being well-endowed with raw materials and fertile soils, East Africa’s largest and most populous country conveys images of poverty and tourism.

    Why? It has never suffered from the political diseases such as ethnic divisions or military coups that seemed to bedevil most of Africa in the first 50 years of independence. With the possible exception of Botswana, Tanzania has had the quietest politics of any Sub-Saharan country. Led for a quarter of a century by the saintly socialist, Julius Nyerere, Tanzania became an economic wasteland but stayed stable. Tanzanians seem imbued with a sense of civic pride and orderliness that seem lacking among its neighbours. But aid-dependent and ruled by a conservative elite with a growing reputation for state-sanctioned corruption, it has persistently fallen short of its potential, its economy sluggish, its politics restrictive, its energies repressed.

    This may be changing and the election on October 31st the fundamental turning point. With a growth rate of around 7% in the last few years, the discovery of substantial deposits of offshore gas, new investments have poured into agriculture and tourism. But, more importantly, a new generation of Tanzanians is emerging, very different to previous ones.

    On a visit earlier this year I felt there were now two Tanzanias. Inside the bubble are the suited ruling elite, diplomats and aid workers, tourists and business professionals. They move from air-conditioned house to air-conditioned 4X4, to air conditioned office. Many live in magnificent air-conditioned hotels. In Dar es Salaam, the capital, you could be anywhere in the rich world and you might believe that Tanzania had finally taken off.

    But step out of that bubble, walk the streets of Dar and it feels different. Today’s city was built by the Germans a hundred years ago and laid out for pedestrians. The streets are mostly two lane, the pavements wide and planted with shady trees. But the pavements have mostly disappeared. They have become parking spaces for the 4X4 tribe. The bubble has taken over the streets, forcing the people to walk in the road: nasty and dangerous. And the wealth bubble has left rural areas virtually untouched. According to Tanzania’s own Bureau of statistics there was minimal reduction in the numbers of rural poor people. Between 1991 and 2007 it drops a mere 3.2%. Over the same period the number of poor Tanzanians has grown from 11.6 million to 12.9 million.

    I noticed that most of the walkers were young and purposeful, dressing as well as they could in cheap, ill-fitting clothes. Many wore ties. Every time a 4X4 hits a pothole they leap away to avoid being splashed with mud. They may have poorly paid jobs or none at all but they clearly have self-respect and aspiration. And there are a lot of them. Kept out of the bubble by a thin membrane of glass or plastic, they can see clearly what lies on the other side. When they realise that they may never be allowed in, what sort of future will they demand of the political leaders?

    There was never any question that President Jakaya Kikwete would win the presidential election on Sunday. The big question was always by how much. This is the fourth election since Tanzania became a multi party democracy in 1992 but Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the party that led Tanzania to independence, has ruled ever since. It has always maintained a total grip on power on the mainland, though a strong opposition exists on Zanzibar and the islands. In 2000 President Ben Mkapa won 72% of the vote and this rose to 80% under Kikwete’s candidacy in 2005. If the president’s rating now falls below 70% and the opposition increase their seats in parliament, Kikwete could face a tough five years.

    But is he listening? Leading a country that needs a lot of fixing, Kikwete seems to spend most of his time in another bubble, the plane, travelling constantly throughout the world, particularly to the USA. An early question in the new parliament may well be how much time does the President actually spend in Tanzania? One diplomat suggested that he stays out of the country because he is not powerful enough within the ruling party to deal with corruption among its leading members.

    And in this election there is a real opposition with a strong new party and young members within the ruling party willing to challenge their elders. In the past opposition parties have been regional. The largest until recently was the Zanzibar-based Civic United Front. But a new party, Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Party for Democracy and Progress), led by Wilbrord Slaa, has become truly national and attracts youthful support. A low key but well-focussed man, Slaa’s criticism of the government is polite but precise. He focuses on the failure of the local ruling party MPs to deliver to the people while running businesses and growing rich through their political connections. “We regard it as a syndicate” he told me, “a few people getting rich, our resources plundered.”

    The ruling party is also the government, the administration and the law so it is exceedingly hard for opposition movements to gain ground. At elections the ruling party deploys the entire apparatus of the state against its opponents. When electioneering began to heat up, the police chief warned opposition parties but not the ruling party, to obey the law. The press has opened up in recent years and is staffed increasingly by bright young Tanzanians who are prepared to push the boundaries of press freedom. This worries the government. In the lead-up to the election the government threatened to close down newspapers and radio stations that criticised it or exposed corruption in government. These were not vague public threats.

    The main target of the press and the opposition campaign has been corruption. In Tanzania it is both grand and local. Representatives of companies wishing to do business there search for senior officials who will guide them through the system without having to pay bribes. At least some of the past crimes have been exposed. In 2005 BAE sold Tanzania a sophisticated air traffic control system in a corrupt deal that was backed by Tony Blair. Then there is the Richmond affair where millions of dollars were paid into a ghost company controlled by leading ministers. In both cases senior government officials and ministers were sacked but no one has been prosecuted. At a local level registering land ownership invariably involves a bribe if you want the certificate in less than a year, sometimes longer. Since agriculture is seen as a major driver of wealth in the future, this seriously hampers the country’s development.

    Kikwete has a simple choice. He either uses his presidential power to suppress criticism and the opposition or he uses it to curb corruption in his own government and party. If he does the later, Tanzania’s reputation will be restored. If he does the former, Tanzania will follow the disastrous route many other African countries have gone down. That would be a pity at a time when the rest of the continent seems to be turning itself around.
     
  13. nngu007

    nngu007 JF-Expert Member

    #13
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    This is a topic we need to know where R we heading with Ruling Party for life CCM.
     
  14. Goldman

    Goldman JF-Expert Member

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    Mar 26, 2011
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    Good observation
     
  15. nngu007

    nngu007 JF-Expert Member

    #15
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    [​IMG]

    The "Graf von Götzen" as it was finished by the Meyer shipyard in 1913, thus a steam boat
    © Meyer Werft/afrol NewsThe mythical "Liemba" ferry on Lake Tanganyika, operational since 1913 and made world famous by the film "African Queen", desperately needs an overhaul as she is no longer fit for passenger freight. Ancient colonial power Germany considers repairing the "Liemba", while others favour transporting her back to Germany.

    The "Liemba" is among the oldest operational ferries in the world and among the most mythical. She has a large tourism potential, but Tanzanian authorities currently deem the "Liemba" unfit for passenger transport - although these safety concerns are ignored and the ferry still ships persons along the 800 kilometres long eastern shore of Lake Tanganyika.

    But by 2012, the "Liemba" definitively has to stop trafficking the world's longest lake, Tanzanian authorities have ordered. Then, also the cargo freight - which now unofficially allows for some passengers to get a lift - will be unauthorised. A 99 years old era will come to an end.

    Or will it?

    Not only Tanzanians take pride in the "Liemba". Germans, which colonised continental Tanzania from 1884 to 1917, are equally proud of the extraordinary construction and operation of the "Graf von Götzen", as the steam boat was called before English colonisation.

    "Graf von Götzen" was constructed at the Meyer Werft shipyard in northern Germany. After a model assembly, the ship was again split into hundreds of pieces, shipped to Dar es Salaam in 1913, and from there carried by manpower overland to the distant Lake Tanganyika through road-less savannas and forests. At the shore, Meyer engineers and local workers assembled the "Götzen" for a second time.

    Her time as a German ferry on Lake Tanganyika was short as the First World War started in 1914. By 1917, British troops
    overwhelmed Germany's East African colony.




    . [​IMG]



    In 1997, the "Liemba" transported over 75,000 Congolese refugees across Lake Tanganyika
    The "Götzen" was ordered not to fall in enemy hands. But Meyer shipyard operators, set to carry out the order, were eager to save the ship they had assembled with so much care. They carefully sank the "Götzen" on a site where she easily could be salvaged, making sure to grease engine parts thoroughly.

    The careful sinking paid off. In 1924, British colonialists were able to lift the "Götzen", finding that even the engines were still usable. By 1927, the steam boat was able to take up passenger and cargo freight on Lake Tanganyika under her new name "Liemba".

    Since 1927, the "Liemba" has been operational, only with a few interruptions. In 1970, steam engines were replaced with diesel motors, and a second major overhaul was done in 1993. It is the diesel aggregate, creating stronger vibrations than the stem engine "Liemba" was created for, that now slowly are shaking the boat apart, making here unsafe for passenger freight.

    The "Liemba" has had several appearances in the hall of fame since the war. In 1951, she featured in the classic movie "The African Queen" in a star role along with Humphrey Bogart and Katharine Hepburn. In 1997, the "Liemba" had a more heroic role in transporting more than 75,000 persons fleeing the Congo war on the other shore of Lake Tanganyika.

    No wonder, then, that there is continued interest in the "Liemba". Currently, the ex-steam ship is creating most debate where it once was built, in the part of northern Germany now called Lower Saxony. Indeed, Lower Saxony's autonomous parliament in February.




    [​IMG]



    The "Liemba" in 2003, now diesel powered and still well maintained since the 1993 overhaul
    February decided to seek a development cooperation partnership with Tanzania, according to information provided afrol News in Hanover. In March, a mission was sent to Tanzania, and one of the projects decided on, due to its highly symbolic value, was to seek restoration of the "Liemba". The Lower Saxony delegation also inspected the "Liemba" at the port town of Kigoma.

    Funding of the proposed project is still in the air. But a spokeswoman of the Lower Saxony government told the local press that there already had been made a request to the federal government in Berlin to co-finance "a modernisation" of the "Liemba". The still existing Meyer shipyard has announced its interest in restoring the historic ship, saying it would be possible to modernise the "Liemba".

    It was unclear whether Meyer could do the modernisation works in Kigoma other whether it would again have to be shipped to its site of construction, Papenburg in Lower Saxony. But there are also other interests in Papenburg, wanting the "Liemba" back to Germany. A local group is working for a recovery of the mythical ship, with an aim of exposing it in a Papenburg museum.

    Whatever happens to the "Liemba", local, Tanzanian and German authorities agree that Lake Tanganyika needs a passenger and cargo ferry. While the Berlin government says that the many current suggestions for the future of the "Liemba" still have to concretise, it indicates its willingness to co-finance some Lake Tanganyika ferry solution. With or without the African Queen.
     
  16. NGUZO

    NGUZO JF-Expert Member

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    Mar 26, 2011
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    ndugu waislamu hawaajandamana bila sababu, huyu gadhafi si tu kasaidia waislamu wa tanzania bali wa nchi nyingi za kiafrika, na hata idd amin alisaidiwa sababu ilionekana wazi mzee mchongo (nyerere) amevamia uganda kumsaidia rafiki yake obote alokuwa kapinduliwa na amin, hivyo kwa kuanzia na amin hakuwa mtu mbaya kama vyombo vya magharibi vinatutaka tuamini, bahati mbaya ndugu yangu ushaathiriwa na moshi wa vyombo vya magharibi.
    Kumbuka kuwa ghadafi hapambani na waandamanaji (kama walokuwa wa misri na tunisia) bali anapambana na waasi wachache wanaotaka kupindua nchi, na kama marekani na nchi za magharibi zinasapoti waasi, vipi waasi wa palestina wanaokomboa ardhi yao iloibwa na israel mbona hakuna enforcement ya fly zone?, vipi somalia? , vipi ivory coast?
    Wewe hujaona kuwa marekani na uingereza mara zote karibuni wanaanzisha chokochoko sehemu ambayo wanaweza pata maslahi yao.
    Sasa kwa taarifa yako, libya haitatawalika kama iraq na afghanstan, kuna ukabila mkubwa sana ambao aliweza kuudhibiti ghadafi, na ghadafy hadi sasa anaungwa mkono na karibu 80% ya wananchi wa libya, sasa wewe mmakonde kinakuuma nini juu ya utawala wa ghadafy?
    Kila sehemu mnataka kuleta udini, saa zingine muwe reasonable!!
     
  17. Candid Scope

    Candid Scope JF-Expert Member

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    Kumbe Gadafi alipenda aonekane kijana tu. Nyele zake zile ni za bandia, kwani nilishangaa jamaa karibu anatumbukia ndani ya umri wa sabini lakini rangi ya nywele zako bado za teenage. Jamani njaa ya madaraka mtu yuko tayari kudungwa sindano kutoa mifereji aonekane bado kijana.
     
  18. K

    Kadogoo JF-Expert Member

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    Afadhali umeliona hilo! sasa hapa kwetu ati Chadema nao wanataka kuiga ya Libya!
     
  19. J

    Jasusi JF-Expert Member

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    Nice piece of history.
     
  20. nngu007

    nngu007 JF-Expert Member

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    Will Tanzania become a battleground in what Samuel Huntington called ‘The Clash of Civilisations’? Tanzania has large populations of Christians and Muslims. It is an impoverished country, and this places a strain on national social cohesion. However, this paper, for Third World Quarterly, argues that, although tensions are on the rise, a combination of cross-cutting cleavages, relative parity of group strength and size, and intra-group conflict should ensure that this does not develop into open conflict. This argument is contextualised within a theoretical continuum of primordial and instrumental views of identity.
    Scholars have used a range of approaches in considering the concept of identity. Primodialism argues that identity groups are based on common biological descent and emphasises the inherent self-interest of the collective. Instrumentalism, on the other hand, views identity groups as largely constructed, and deployed to advance elite interests, often political and economic advantage.
    In Tanzania, despite diverse identity groupings, no one ethnic or religious identity has served as a major societal dividing line. However, the question of whether the country would polarise along religious lines emerged in the 1990s.
    • A number of incidents have occurred over the past 10 years that have resulted in violence or heightened tensions between Muslims and Christians.
    • There has also been a recent revival of Islam as a political force in Tanzania which challenges the ruling party and secularist principles of the state.
    • This has occurred within a domestic context where the opposition Civic United Front accuse the ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi, of rigging elections in order to prevent them from taking power in Zanzibar.
    • This domestic conflict takes place in a global context where the USA and many of its Western allies interpret organised political activity by Muslims as terrorist activity. In contrast, in Tanzania some Muslims view the USA, Western capitalism and Christianity as a challenge to Islam.
    • Religion, when linked to other identities such as class, can deepen divisions. However, while efforts are being made in this area in Tanzania, they have not yet gained widespread acceptance.
    The case of Tanzania demonstrates that the mobilisation of identity groups, specifically those defined in terms of religion, is a complicated process that is problematic for the linear analyses of the instrumentalist-primordialist continuum
    • The rise of Islam presents as a political force presents, on the surface, a bipolar struggle between the followers of Islam and Christianity. However, both religious communities are composed of a number of competing groups, often divided along pro and anti-government lines, which cut across religious affiliation.
    • Due to the relatively equal sizes of the Christian and Muslim populations, there is a realisation among both opposition and ruling party leaders that using religious appeals at a national level is likely to cause a strong counter-response and mobilisation in the non-targeted group.
    • The divisions between and within the Christian and Muslim communities have rendered group solidarity a virtual impossibility. This creates a disincentive for leaders to manipulate religion for political ends, or for primordial tendencies of religious affiliation to affect the political process
     
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