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Guevara alisaidia mapinduzi Zainzibar?

Discussion in 'Jukwaa la Siasa' started by mstahiki, Feb 16, 2010.

  1. m

    mstahiki JF-Expert Member

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    Guevara alisaidia mapinduzi Zainzibar?Wenye data naomba mtupe.


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    In 1965, Guevara decided to venture to Africa and offer his knowledge and experience as a guerrilla to the ongoing conflict in the Congo. According to Algerian President Ahmed Ben Bella, Guevara thought that Africa was imperialism's weak link and therefore had enormous revolutionary potential.[135] Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, who had fraternal relations with Che dating back to his 1959 visit, saw Guevara's plans to fight in the Congo as "unwise" and warned that he would become a "Tarzan" figure, doomed to failure.[136] Despite the warning, Guevara traveled to the Congo while using the alias Ramón Benítez.[137] Guevara led the Cuban operation in support of the Marxist Simba movement, which had emerged from the ongoing Congo Crisis. Guevara, his second-in-command Victor Dreke, and 12 other Cuban expeditionaries arrived in the Congo on April 24, 1965 and a contingent of approximately 100 Afro-Cubans joined them soon afterward.[138][139] They collaborated for a time with guerrilla leader Laurent-Désiré Kabila, who had previously helped supporters of the CIA-slain Patrice Lumumba lead an unsuccessful revolt months earlier. As an admirer of the late Lumumba, Guevara declared that his "murder should be a lesson for all of us."[140] Guevara, with limited knowledge of Swahili and the local languages was assigned a teenage interpreter Freddy Ilanga. Over the course of seven months Ilanga grew to "admire the hard-working Guevara", who according to Mr. Ilanga, "showed the same respect to black people as he did to whites."[141] However Guevara soon became disillusioned with the discipline of Kabila's troops and later dismissed him, stating "nothing leads me to believe he is the man of the hour."[142]

    As an additional obstacle, white South African mercenaries, led by Mike Hoare in concert with Cuban exiles and the CIA, worked with the Congo National Army to thwart Guevara in the mountains near the village of Fizi on Lake Tanganyika. They were able to monitor his communications, and so pre-empted his attacks and interdicted his supply lines. Despite the fact that Guevara sought to conceal his presence in the Congo, the U.S. government was aware of his location and activities: The National Security Agency was intercepting all of his incoming and outgoing transmissions via equipment aboard the USNS Pvt Jose F. Valdez (T-AG-169), a floating listening post that continuously cruised the Indian Ocean off Dar es Salaam for that purpose.[143]

    Guevara's aim was to export the revolution by instructing local anti-Mobutu Simba fighters in Marxist ideology and foco theory strategies of guerrilla warfare. In his Congo Diary, he cites the incompetence, intransigence and infighting of the local Congolese forces as key reasons for the revolt's failure.[144] Later that year, ill with dysentery, suffering from acute asthma, and disheartened after seven months of frustrations, Guevara left the Congo with the Cuban survivors (Six members of his column had died). At one point Guevara considered sending the wounded back to Cuba, and fighting in Congo alone until his death, as a revolutionary example; however, after being urged by his comrades and pressed by two emissaries sent by Castro, at the last moment he reluctantly agreed to retreat. In speaking about the Congo, Guevara concluded that "The human element failed. There is no will to fight, the leaders are corrupt; in a word, there was nothing to do."[145] A few weeks later, when writing the preface to the diary he kept during the Congo venture, he began: "This is the history of a failure."[146]

    Guevara was reluctant to return to Cuba, because Castro had made public Guevara's "farewell letter" — a letter intended to only be revealed in the case of his death — wherein he severed all ties in order to devote himself to revolution throughout the world.[147] As a result, Guevara spent the next six months living clandestinely in Dar es Salaam and Prague. During this time he compiled his memoirs of the Congo experience, and wrote drafts of two more books, one on philosophy and the other on economics. He then visited several Western European countries to test his new false identity papers, created by Cuban Intelligence for his later travels to South America. As Guevara prepared for Bolivia, he wrote a last letter to his five children to be read upon his death, which ended with him instructing them:

    "Above all, always be capable of feeling deeply any injustice committed against anyone, anywhere in the world. This is the most beautiful quality in a revolutionary."


    http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/60/CheinCongo2.gif
    http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/15/Cheguevaracongo.jpg


    source:[ame]http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Che_Guevara[/ame]
     
  2. G

    Game Theory JF-Expert Member

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    [​IMG]

    watch this Film
     
  3. Kiranga

    Kiranga JF-Expert Member

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    Kwa mujibu wa Jon Lee Anderson katika "Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life" Che alikuwa hajaanza kuwa involved na mambo ya mapinduzi Africa by 1964. Alikuwa Cuba bado.

    Huyu jamaa aliua watu wengi sana summarily, mi nashangaa watu wanavyomfagilia.

    Kuna wakati Castro alikuwa anauliza "nani yuko tyari kuua" baada ya kuwahukumu kifo "counter revolutionaries" katika Kangaroo courts zao, wakati watu wengine wanagwaya, Che alikuwa kimbelembele kusema mimi nitaua.

    Halafu Che alikuwa racist, aliwatukana na kuwa condescend watu weusi.

    [​IMG]
     
  4. m

    mstahiki JF-Expert Member

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    Feb 17, 2010
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    Kiranja!!

    What do you have to say about this?

    22 September 1924 - 5 August 1996

    Abdulrahman Mohamed Babu was born in 1924 in Zanzibar in East Africa, then a British protectorate. He described the place and period in which he grew up in a brief autobiographical sketch which was intended to form the basis of the memoirs which he had been commissioned to write, but which were always postponed by more immediate work relating to contemporary struggles:

    'Zanzibar, with its trade and maritime links all over the world, was a unique place in which to grow up. Although for all practical purposes a British colony with all the complexities of a racially stratified society, it had a rich and dynamic culture peculiar to its situation. During World War 2 many young Zanzibaris were drafted to fight in British armies, mostly in Africa and Asia...in the post-war period they returned from the war zones bringing back the reality and scale of imperialist violence. Their stories of meeting recruits from other colonies (especially those from the 'Gold Coast' now Ghana, in the Burma campaign) helped make us in Zanzibar aware of the possibilities of solidarity and revolution.

    Meanwhile, East Africa itself was entering the epoch of rebellion. The youth of Zanzibar were engulfed in the mood of the epoch. Jomo Kenyatta's mobilisation of Kenya Africans in a political party against the white-settler rule in Kenya brought home to the rest of us in E. Africa the need for a national political organisation. The rise of the Kenya 'freedom fighters', which later led to the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya gave us the deeper meaning of liberation struggle'.

    In 1951 Babu went to Britain to study Philosophy and English Literature and was drawn first to Anarchism and then to Marxism. London was then a center for anti-colonial movements and Babu was to play a key role in the well-known left-led Movement for Colonial Freedom which had its base there.

    Babu writes of the impact on his generation of Nkrumah's victory in Ghana in 1956, 'coming as it did after the Chinese Revolution, the Viet Minh victory against the French at Dien Bien Phu and the Algerian Revolution, it gave us a new awareness of the importance and effectiveness of the `mass political party' against colonialism'. In 1957 Babu returned to Zanzibar to become Secretary General of Zanzibar's first political party, the Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP). Under Babu's leadership the party organised urban workers, rural workers and seafaring workers and mobilised the urban petty bourgeoisie. The party developed a consistent anti-colonialist political line; a grassroots organisation of party branches at local level; and links with the worldwide, and especially African, anti-imperialist struggle.

    This was the era when the movement for Pan African Unity was emerging, and Babu participated in the historic All African People's Conference in Accra, Ghana in 1958 along with Nkrumah, Franz Fanon and Patrice Lumumba, whom Babu and his comrades 'discovered' when traveling through the Congo on the way to the conference, and took with them to Accra. In the same period, Babu describes how `I was the first liberation fighter from East and Central Africa to visit revolutionary China, in 1959/60. From then on I was keenly following the ups and downs of the Chinese experiences; meetings with Mao, Chou En Lai, Marshal Chen Yi, Deng Tsiao Ping, and others, immensely heightened my revolutionary spirit and optimism. I became a correspondent for the Chinese News Agency HSINHUA for East and Central Africa, which deepened my knowledge of the Chinese revolutionary trends, especially the underlying causes and the significance of the Chinese 'Cultural Revolution'.

    Seeing Babu as a threat to continuing post-independence neo-colonial domination, and a source of 'Chinese influence' in the region, the British, with the collaboration of reactionary elements within the ZNP itself, had Babu imprisoned for two years on charges of `sedition'. The independence which was negotiated in 1962 led to the formation of a right-wing coalition government still controlled by the British, which intensified repression against trade unionists, youth leaders and other progressive elements. By 1963 it was clear that the left could no longer play an effective role within the ZNP and under the leadership of Babu, a mass revolutionary party, the Umma (People's) Party, was launched, galvanising working class and peasant youth across racial groupings into action. The Zanzibar Revolution took place in 1964 - an uprising led by a number of political forces which the Umma Party was able to partially transform into a socialist revolution. For the U.S., Zanzibar was now the 'Cuba of Africa' from which communism would spread across the continent, and there followed a period of intense CIA activity. Only four months after the Revolution, the U.S. succeeded in engineering a union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar (to form Tanzania) which effectively crushed the progressive potential of the revolution and `neutralised' Zanzibar.

    Between 1964 and 1972, Babu headed various ministries in the Tanzanian government, in particular the Ministry of Planning. This was the phase in which he negotiated the construction of the historic Tanzania/Zambia Railways (TAZARA) by China. He also played an active role in the international arena in this period when the Cold War was at its height, making links with Che Guevara, Castro and others. Visiting New York as leader of the Tanzanian delegation to the U.N. he spoke at a historic mass rally with Malcolm X in Harlem. The relationship with Malcolm X deepened and Babu was one of the key influences who led Malcolm to an anti-imperialist world view.

    However throughout this period there were sharp contradictions between President Nyerere's policies of so-called 'African Socialism' which focused on 'welfarism' neglecting the crucial task of restructuring the colonial economy, and Babu's scientific socialism to which the development of the productive forces was central. In 1972, Babu along with other comrades from the Umma Party were arrested on false charges of murdering President Karume of Zanzibar. Though never convicted, Babu remained in prison in Tanzania until 1978, when he was released under international pressure. During his time in prison, Babu wrote his classic book 'African Socialism or Socialist Africa?' outlining a comprehensive strategy for Africa's economic and political development.

    After his release Babu lived first in America for four years and then in London. Taking up teaching posts in a series of Universities, he became highly respected as a scholar and commentator. His enthusiasm, warmth, openness and clarity made him an immensely popular teacher. Living in London Babu became a friend and source of strength to struggling peoples all over the world. Among the many visits which he made in this context was one to IPKF-occupied Jaffna in Sri Lanka in 1989, to commemorate the Tamil human rights activist and feminist Rajani Thiranagama, murdered by the LTTE.

    But most importantly perhaps, Babu continued to play a unique role in African politics. In the face of the intensifying economic stranglehold and ideological hegemony of Western agencies he spoke and wrote of the need for a second liberation of Africa. In much of his work economic nationalism was a central theme. He believed passionately that only by channeling the people's energies into developing the productive forces could the vicious circle of poverty, aid and dependency be broken. He was always searching for sparks of hope and ready to fan them, and became a close adviser and mentor to a whole range of progressive movements - such as those in Eritrea, Uganda and Ethiopia - challenging neo-colonial military regimes and IMF/World Bank dominance. He was also instrumental in the resurgence of Pan Africanism with a relevance to contemporary conditions. This led to the establishment of a Pan African Movement which held the historic 7th Pan African Congress in Kampala, Uganda in April 1994, under the slogans 'Resist Recolonisation!' and 'Don't Agonise, Organise!'

    In 1995 when Tanzania held its first multi-party elections, the main opposition party in mainland Tanzania, the NCCR-Mageuzi, with a strong base among urban working class youth and sections of the peasantry, asked Babu to stand as Vice-Presidential candidate. Babu identified the party as having the potential to challenge the hegemony of the corrupt ruling CCM which had essentially become the party of neo-colonialism and reduced Tanzania to the second poorest country in the world. The NCCR had a mass popular base and Babu saw its policies as 'progressive and democratic, with an economic programme which, with some modification, could lead the way out of the blind alley into which the CCM has lead the country'.

    He returned to Tanzania in August 1995 to a massive and ecstatic welcome from the people. However he was eventually prevented from standing by the legal manipulations of the ruling party. As always putting political commitment before personal ego, Babu remained in the country tirelessly campaigning for the party. When the NCCR lost after massive rigging by the ruling party, Babu wrote two seminal pamphlets ('Tanzania's first multi-party elections' and 'Wanted: a Third Force in Zanzibar')analysing the situation and suggesting a way forward.

    As an Eritrean liberation fighter put it, Babu had 'the courage to say what he thought, the foresight to be optimistic about Africa's potential and the integrity to live in accordance with the dictates of his conscience when doing all this was neither fashionable nor expedient'. Throughout his political life Babu remained a communist, for whom Marxism was not only an ideology but a method of analysis. It was this dialectical approach which enabled him to identify without dogma or sectarianism the forces of progress and change within any situation, while at the same time never losing his commitment to the socialist future of Africa and of the world.


    source:http://ambabu.gn.apc.org/bioghpy.htm
     
  5. m

    mstahiki JF-Expert Member

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    Feb 17, 2010
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    Hello Kiranga.

    Unamaana hawa jamaa wanaopingana na unachokisema wanatudanganya ..sio?
    =============================================


    Retracing Che Guevara’s Footsteps in Tanzania

    JR visits places where Ernesto Che Guevara traveled in the 1960s
    By: Hedelberto López Blanch, special correspondent

    On December 9, 1964, Commander Ernesto Che Guevara traveled to New York to participate in the United Nations General Assembly. From there he departed on a long journey to eight African countries (he also visited China), meeting with heads of state and government and leaders of liberation movements.
    During the three months, Che visited Algeria (three times), Mali, Congo Brazzaville, Guinea Conakry, Ghana, Dahomey (nowadays Benin), Tanzania and Egypt.

    Che arrived in Tanzania on February 11 and stayed there until February 18. He met with President Julius Nyerere and other government officials and leaders of liberation movements whose offices were in Dar es Salaam.

    In Tanzania, Che traveled to the small island of Zanzibar, which had become independent on October 10, 1963. Afterwards a constitutional monarchy was installed under Great Britain and the leadership of Sultan Said.

    On January 12, 1964, a riot took place, involving mostly African citizens and the poorest minority of Arabian people. This led to a new government headed by Abeid Karume. That day the People’s Republic of Zanzibar was established. On April 22, Zanzibar and Tanganyika agreed to form a single state; and on April 27, 1967, the United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar was created, later named the United Republic of Tanzania.

    Che arrived in Zanzibar a month after the riot, coinciding with the triumph of the progressive Afro –Shirazi Party headed by Karume (ASP).

    After 44 years of Che’s visit to this country, he remains in the memories of many Tanzanians.

    Cuban Ambassador to Tanzania Ernesto Gómez facilitated a meeting with the chairman of the Julius Nyerere foundation, Salim Ahmed Salim, who was also prime minister, secretary of State and Defense minister of Tanzania, and president of the UN General Assembly in 1979. Before, Salim had been Tanzania’s ambassador to the UN and Cuba.

    Salim arrived in our country for the first time in 1961 and became a fervent friend and admirer of the Cuban government and people.

    This outstanding revolutionary recalls how he met with Che three times, two of them in Tanzania in 1965: the first time in the former presidential house in Dar es Salaam and the second time in his house in Zanzibar. “My wife remembers preparing him a meal and how he talked about the Cuban Revolution and how strong African liberation movements were becoming in their fight against colonialism and apartheid.”

    “I briefly talked to Che at the office of the Nationalist Party of Zanzibar which opened January 12, 1962 in Havana.”

    Next we traveled to Kisambani to speak to Ali Sultani who had met Che in the 1960s. Sultani welcomed us with a joy and energy that belied his 77 years. After introducing each other, Sultani began to sing “Cuba, que linda es Cuba” in perfect Spanish.

    Sultani spoke about visits to Havana in 1962 and 1963. At the triumph of the Zanzibar Revolution, Sultani was appointed Education minister and was Che’s aide-de-camp.

    Sultani showed us a treasured photo of Che with the then lieutenant Mussa Maisara, the head of the youth organization Rajab Kheri and himself and other Cubans.

    Sultani, who had just finished writing his memories, noted that Che Guevara talked about the awakening of African revolutionary thought, the struggle of the Simba rebels in the Congo (former Zaire), liberation movements in Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Namibia, and about training cadres both in Cuba and Africa.

    “He didn’t take a rest: his mind was like a huge factory continuously producing ideas,” he said.

    We left Sultani, with his rendition of La Guantanamera, and once back in Zanzibar, we set out to find the house where Che stayed during the time on the island. As guide, we had the Cuban president of the recently opened Faculty of Medicine, Ridel Febles.

    Febles took us to the town of Buba. After asking the locals for permission, we went to a modest house that nowadays dons a photo of Che at the entrance with the words “In memory of the 80th anniversary of Che’s birth on June 14, 1928. This was a temporary home to Che during his struggle to free the African continent.”

    Che stayed on as part of the guerrillas in the Congo from April 24 to November 21, 1965, heading Column One made up of Cuban fighters.

    The seven long months were carefully analyzed by Che in his book Pasajes de la Guerra Revolucionaria: El Congo, which he wrote at the Cuban embassy in Dar Es Salaam, where he stayed for ten weeks.

    We visited the Cuban diplomatic headquarter located at 313 Lugalo Road, Upanga where Che wrote his memoirs.

    The Cuban embassy, purchased in 1963, is a large building with a two-bedroom apartment out back. It was here that Che wrote about and analyzed the events taking place in the Congo.

    At the entrance of this apartment is an image of Che with the words: “In memory of the 40th anniversary of Che’s arrival in this house where he lived from November 24, 1965 to February 1966. Here, he wrote his memoirs about the guerrilla struggle in the Congo where he headed the Cuban internationalist brigade.” Cuban Embassy, Dar Es Salaam, November 24, 2005.”

    Che’s life and work are well rooted in the African people, as in Tanzania, where almost everyone knows about and admires his sacrifice and courage to free the African continent.

    source:http://emba.cubaminrex.cu/Default.aspx?tabid=25943
     
  6. Kiranga

    Kiranga JF-Expert Member

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    Feb 17, 2010
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    Mstahiki,

    Post yako ya kwanza ni ya Babu na haina much about Che.

    Sioni popote post yako ya pili "inapopingana" na mimi, angalia timeline, text yako mwenyewe inatuambia Che alifika ZNZ baada ya Mapinduzi, na hakuna ushahidi wowote wa kwamba alishiriki katika kupanga.

    Kitabu kipo at my town apartment, I am currently at my country/ winter home. Nikirudi nitakutafutia specific passages kuhusu Zanzibar.
     
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