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CCM vs ANC - democratc centralism

Discussion in 'Jukwaa la Siasa' started by Zitto, Nov 8, 2009.

  1. Zitto

    Zitto Verified User

    Nov 8, 2009
    Joined: Mar 2, 2007
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    Rafiki yangu ndugu Baha kaniletea hotuba hii ya Katibu Mkuu wa chama cha ANC.

    Kutokana na yanayoendelea hivi sasa nchini kwetu. Ninaomba mpate muda kusoma hotuba hii ndefu kidogo. Ina mafunzo mengi kuhusu demokrasia na hasa ukizingatia mahusiano ya kiitikadi kati ya CCM na ANC

    Address by the ANC Secretary General, Gwede Mantashe to the South African Municipal Workers Union (SAMWU) congress in Belabela

    5 November 2009

    It is now almost two years since the 52nd National Conference of the ANC in Polokwane, in December 2007. Coming out of that conference we were all convinced that the leadership collective elected there had the basic responsibility of rescuing the movement from self-destruction.

    Self-destruction took different forms and shapes, for example, very weak structures where factions dominated and those who lost the leadership race determined to undermine the incumbents. This group decided to contest all the provinces, take control of the majority and use them to push for a vote of no confidence in the current leadership. In any province where the balance of forces would be tilted against them, the provincial conference would be disrupted, in most instance s in a violent manner. We were equally determined to undermine these forces and, therefore, pushed some of the conferences through against odds. Some of the many well-meaning cadres of our movement were confused and interpreted the resolve as willingness to work with reactionary forces. When we completed that round of provincial conferences these forces became more restless.

    We also had to deal with charges against the president of the ANC. For the first time the ANC took a decision to give the President practical support during the difficult times. We did not only see the increasing number of NEC members who attended the court sittings but a task team was put together to drive the programme, including putting together a legal team that guided us in the implementation of the legal strategy. It is now history that the charges were ultimately withdrawn after the throwing out of the charges by the Pietermaritzburg court was successfully appealed against. The outcome of the High Court proceedings became the tipping point in the decision to deal with the problem of two centres of power decisively, leading to the recall of a sitting president of the ANC.

    This recall was used as a trigger to implement a long-standing decision that, if the third term faction could not take control of the ANC a breakaway party had to be formed. This is how COPE was formed, as a splinter party, by a group of angry and disgruntled leaders of our movement. On the other hand the re-emergence of a counter-revolutionary threat galvanised our forces into a coherent and cohesive movement that successfully fought the most difficult elections ever. Winning the elections by 65,9% closed the rescue chapter and ushered in the reconstruction and renewal phase for our movement.

    Rebuilding and renewal means, in the main, that we should build strong organisational structures that have capacity to deal with all the challenges, at all levels, facing our movement. When our structures are operational at all levels we can enforce organisational discipline with ease. We can ensure that the principle of democratic centralism can be enforced.

    This is one principle that is open to abuse and distortion. This requires that we should go to the origin of this principle to be able to implement it and give proper meaning to it. Lenin was the first to apply the concept of democratic centralism in the December 1905 Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party. It was adopted as a requirement for admission of any party for membership of the Communist International in 1920. Most of the Communist and Social democratic parties that were formed in later years adopted this principle. Any party that describes itself as progressive today subscribes to this principle.

    Democratic centralism is a combination of centralism on the basis of democracy, and democracy under centralised guidance. Let me highlight five elements of democratic centralism:

    Individual members are subordinate to the organisation
    The minority is subordinate to the majority
    The lower organs of the party are subordinate to the higher organs
    The higher organs shall pay constant attention to the views of lower organs and rank-and-file members of the organisation and solve problems timely
    All structures of the organisation shall function on the principle of combining collective leadership with individual responsibility.

    In this way organisational discipline is instilled and personality cult obliterated.

    It is this kind of party that we are trying to build in this phase. We have deployed all the NEC members to the regions of the ANC to listen to all the problems and grievances of members and structures. We have engaged the councillors and branches of the ANC in an attempt to understand the problems and challenges facing our movement on the ground. We now have a fair sense of understanding of the service delivery protests that we have seen in many a township in the country. We have identified few underlying causes of these protests, such as:

    There are genuine service delivery protests, in which case the real problems facing our people must be addressed, including clear-cut cases of corruption.

    The infighting within the ANC structures and among the alliance partners is emerging as a major contributing factor, wherein comrades are positioning themselves for the 2011 local government elections.

    There are cases of the pull factor where the effective delivery in a particular area tends to attract people to that area.

    In a majority of cases the alliance partners play a negative role whenever there is conflict. A point raised by Gauteng about the role of the party structures needs to be attended to nationally.

    COSATU unions in the public sector have failed thus far to prove that they are part of a revolutionary movement. The engagement with the democratic state is based on demands and offers. It is members of these progressive unions that deliver shoddy services to the communities, and political deployees absorb the pain. There is no commitment to serve but demand for more. When SAMWU is proud of getting a 13% increase in cash-strapped municipalities, is it equally engaging in a discussion about serving our people better? If that is not happening talk of a transformative or revolutionary trade union movement is hollow. The same would apply to the rest of the public sector wherein the state gives an 11% that, in turn, increases the budget deficit. The increases are not a major issue if and when the services given to our people are of superior quality. They become an issue when the communities feel the decline in the quality of services they receive.

    All the leaders of the ANC have appealed to all and sundry to join the fight against corruption. This call must apply to both the public and the private sector. Theft from the fiscus, and theft from the shareholders must be criminalized. We are happy that people and structures are becoming more bold and vocal about corruption. We must see more action being taken against individuals who are corrupt. It is not helpful to suspend a senior official on full pay for many months, and have endless investigation. Corruption cases must be processed with speed and be concluded. Equally important is the need not to act on the basis of vague allegations of corruption that cannot be backed up with the necessary evidence.

    The intersection between holding public office and business interests is the biggest threat to our movement today. It forces comrades to inflate costs, artificially appoint companies of comrades as middleman at a huge cost when services can be sourced more cost effectively and directly from the supplier. We must fight these tendencies with determination.

    This takes me to the question of deployment of cadres to run the state bureaucracy, in the main, even though the principles apply to all deployment. The media and the opposition parties are trying hard to make us feel guilty about the deployment policy. There is nothing with deployment as a policy. What is wrong is the abuse of that policy wherein it is used to offer jobs to pals. Deployment of cadres must be linked to a serious cadre development programme. When we deploy a cadre we must do that on the basis of both political integrity and professional competence.

    Selection and appointment of cadres must be open and fair. If we appoint a Section 57 manager in any municipality, the candidate must meet the basic requirements for the post and perform in the selection process. Failure to meet these basic requirements must disqualify a candidate, regardless of political connections.

    Let me conclude by clarifying the point we have consistently made in the current hot debate about the nationalisation of the mines. We have made few specific points that has made many across the spectrum confused on the stand of the ANC. We have made and will continue making the following points:

    The ANC is the only surviving organisation that was in Kliptown in 1955. Therefore, there can be no organisation that can claim ownership of the Freedom Charter than the ANC.

    The reverting of ownership to the people as a whole, in the Freedom Charter, refers to the mineral wealth below the surface of the soil, banking and monopoly industries.

    Our submission is that the promulgation of the Mineral and Petroleum Development Act reverted the ownership of all mineral deposits to the state and therefore fulfilling the requirement of the Freedom Charter. This process was taken forward by promulgating the Royalties legislation, which imposes a levy on all who mine these deposits that belong to the state.

    We have activated a dormant state-owned mining company.

    We have invited comrades who want us to treat this debate as a ritual to come up with concrete ideas as to what more can be done to build on the progress made.

    That challenge stands and we are not going to go to the Pope and just pledge a hollow support for the nationalisation of the mines. This is an area we are passionate about, because we were physically involved in the progress made thus far.

    We equally find it strange that the debate is not about what can be done in the banking sector and in monopoly industries.

    Call us anything, we will accept it, but a shotgun approach is not going to work.

    Leadership is elected to implement adopted policies and programmes, and not policy proposals that emerge in the middle of the term.

    We wish you a successful congress.

    Issued by:
    African National Congress
    Chief Albert Luthuli House
    54 Sauer Street
    Johannesburg 2001
  2. PakaJimmy

    PakaJimmy JF-Expert Member

    Nov 8, 2009
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    I see a sweet smell of Democracy in this content, and i see light at the end of the tunnel via this dossier!

    Also there is a sense of responsibility of the leaders to the grassroot people, who elected them, unlike Bongo!

    There is a clear system by the NEC-SA to dig-out deep down, in finding the causes of grievances of their people, unlike Bongo, where there is no National Agenda or Manifesto to serve as a guiding compass, and the results are seen by any creature- any dog can stand up and attack any fellow leader on personal matters, using taxes collected from a peasant..., and no any ELDERS who even gets alerted...huh!...What a sinking Ship !

    With our rotten leadership style in our nation tuna mambo meengi sana ya kujifunza kutokana na hotuba hii...japo utekelezaji wake wanaujua wenyewe huko SA!

    Lol...! Nimefurahishwa na hapo kwenye Bluu!
  3. Mzee Mwanakijiji

    Mzee Mwanakijiji Platinum Member

    Nov 8, 2009
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    the problem is in Tanzania CCM is still in denial; it does not even acknowledge there are some problems within the party.
  4. Rev. Kishoka

    Rev. Kishoka JF-Expert Member

    Nov 9, 2009
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    Thank you very much for sharing this speech with us.
  5. Next Level

    Next Level JF-Expert Member

    Nov 9, 2009
    Joined: Nov 17, 2008
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    .....CCM feel suspending an official and having endless ''comedy'' investingation, that's the best reward they can return back to the people who elected them into power!

    Almost every one in CCM wants to have intersection with business world, their don't care about the code of ethics, conflict of interests.......etc etc!

    We have seen lately how grand corruption has routed the country and how the cases are being handled in the court of law........!No one is serious about these cases......!