Ali Hassan Mwinyi hakuzaliwa Zanzibar na sio Mzanzibari kama mnavyoamini. Historia na CV yake hii hapa...

Mwinyi kazaliwa kabla Zanzibar haijawa nchi huru na hakuna maelezo yoyote yanayoelezea Uraia wa wazazi wake wote wawili. Hivyo basi hatuna ushahidi tosha wa kuhukumu lolote... Na mwisho wa Yote kama Mwinyi sio Mzanzibar kwa sababu tu hakuzaliwa Zanzibar basi kuna Wangazija wengi sana sio wazanzibar kwa sababu nao baba zao au babu zao walihamia Zanzibar na hasa Unguja..Wakati mwingine ndio maana nampenda Karume alipowambia atawafukuza Wangazija wote ambao hawakuomba uraia wa Zanzibar..
 
Aliyeleta hii mada anaweza kuwa moja ya mapandikizi ya Nape yaliyotumwa JF kuja kuivuruga na kuiharibia reputation. MODS please remove this garbage.
 
Nyie ndiyo Hyati Mwal. Nyerere aliwatolea maelezo ila hamtaki kuelewa. Alisema DHAMBI ya ubaguzi haitawaacha salama kamwe. Naona umeshatoka kwenye UTANGANYIKA na UZANZIBARI. Sasa upo kwenye UZANZIBARI na UZANZIBARA. Na bado itawatafuna kwenye u-Unguja na u-Pemba nakuendelea...
 
Lyimo said:
Nyie ndiyo Hyati Mwal. Nyerere aliwatolea maelezo ila hamtaki kuelewa. Alisema DHAMBI ya ubaguzi haitawaacha salama kamwe. Naona umeshatoka kwenye UTANGANYIKA na UZANZIBARI. Sasa upo kwenye UZANZIBARI na UZANZIBARA. Na bado itawatafuna kwenye u-Unguja na u-Pemba nakuendelea...
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Kivuli cha nyerere kinakutisha.
 
Mzee Abeid Amani Karume naye ina semekana asili yake ni Malawi, wengine wanasema asili yao Kigoma. na Seif asili yake ni Oman
 
John Okello aliepindua kazaliwa Uganda, Rais Karume na ukoo wote ni Wamalawi, Dr Bilali kazaliwa malawi na kaja kwa miguu yake Zanzibar, wakubwa wengi Zanzibar hawajazaliwa Zanzibar, pia wanasema aliefika Zanzibar hata siku moja kabla ya mapinduzi basi pia ni Mzanzibari wa asilimia mia moja
 
Mwinyi kwao Mkuranga. Ndiyo maana mwanaye alipewa ubunge kule. Akarudi ZNZ kwa ajili ya ambition zake za kuupata urais wa ZNZ!!!!
 
Mimi Nafikiri Rais Wa Zanzibar ambaye wanazi wake wawili ni Wazanzibar ni Salmin Amour.....kwa miaka ile ya Uhuru Sijui kwa mfano mngesema Rais awe na wazazi wa two generations Kama mngepata ....labda sasa
Mataifa mengi enzi za Uhuru hayakuangalia sana hili....kulikuwa na muingiliano mkubwa sana wa viongozi na watumishi wa umma ...Zimbabwe,Zambia,Malawi,Uganda,Kenya etc ....ambao tuliongea lugha ya Kingereza
 
Kama lengo ni kuifuta zanzibr kwenye ramani ya dunia basi mmebugi,zanzibar ilikuwepo na itaendelea kuwepo milele,poleni sana samaki kwa kuizika tanganyika yenu kwa kufata akili za mtu mmoja.
 
Msichokijua ni kwamba uraia wa nchi zilizopata uhuru kwa katiba zao, unatambuliwa kuwa yeyote ambaye alikuwa akiishi katika nchi iliyopata uhuru, ile siku ya uhuru basi ana haki ya kuomba uraia wa nchi hiyo. Kwa mantiki hiyi, uhuru wa zanzibar mwaka 1963 ulimpata Mwinyi akiwa maisha yake yapo Zanzibar, na sio bara, hivyo ni mzanzibari
 
GHIBUU said:
HISTORIA: TUMJUE "MZEE WA RUKHSA" RAIS MSTAAFU ALI HASSAN MWINYI
View attachment 1758329
Ali Hassan Mwinyi alizaliwa tarehe 8 mwezi wa tano (Mei) mwaka 1923 katika kijiji cha Kivure, wilayani Kisarawe ,mkoa wa Pwani, Tanzania Bara. Kama wengi wa viongozi wetu, Mwinyi naye alizaliwa katika iliyokuwa Tanganyika. Akiwa bado mwenye umri mdogo sana familia yake ilihamia Zanzibar. Kwa maana hiyo Mwinyi ni mzaliwa wa bara aliyekulia na kuendelea kuishi visiwani Zanzibar.

Alianza safari yake kielimu huko visiwani Zanzibar katika shule ya msingi Mangapwani kuanzia mwaka 1933 hadi 1936 kabla ya kujiunga na shule ya sekondari Dole kwa ajili ya elimu ya sekondari kuanzia mwaka 1937 mpaka mwaka 1942. Baada ya hapo alijiunga na Chuo Cha Ualimu Zanzibar kusomea ualimu kuanzia mwaka 1943 mpaka 1944.

Kuanzia mwaka 1945 mpaka mwaka 1950 alirejea tena katika shule ya Mangapwani,shule aliyosomea,safari hii akiwa sio mwanafunzi tena bali Mwalimu.Kuanzia mwaka 1950 mpaka 1954 alikuwa Mwalimu Mkuu wa shule hiyo wakati huo huo alikuwa akiongeza elimu yake kwa kujipatia General Certificate in Education (GCE) na pia aliendelea kusoma chuo cha Durban University Institute of Education, United Kingdom kusomea stashahada ya ualimu.

Baada ya hapo alijiunga tena na Chuo Cha Ualimu Zanzibar kama mkufunzi kuanzia mwaka 1956 mpaka mwaka 1961 Pia alirudi Regent Institute kilichopo London nchini Uingereza ambapo alijipatia cheti cha ufundishaji lugha ya kiingereza.

Kuanzia mwaka 1961 mpaka 1962 alijiunga na Hall University, Uingereza katika Tutors’ Attachment Course. Mzee Mwinyi pia ana cheti ya lugha ya kiarabu alichokipatia Cairo nchini Misri kati ya mwaka 1972 na 1974.

Safari yake ya kisiasa aliianza rasmi mwaka 1964 alipojiunga na Afro Shiraz Party (ASP) huko Zanzibar ambapo alikitumikia chama katika ngazi na nafasi mbalimbali.

Kati ya mwaka 1964 na 1965 alikuwa ni Katibu Mkuu wa muda katika wizara ya elimu Zanzibar kabla hajateuliwa kuwa Naibu Mkurugenzi katika iliyokuwa Zanzibar State Trading Corporation (ZSTC).

Hiyo ilikuwa ni kati ya mwaka 1965 na mwaka 1970. Pia katika miaka hiyo hiyo, kuanzia mwaka 1966 mpaka 1970, Mwinyi alikuwa mweka hazina msaidizi katika tawi la ASP la Makadara,Zanzibar. Wakati huo huo pia kati ya mwaka 1964 mpaka 1977 alikuwa ni mwenyekiti wa Baraza la Kiswahili Tanzania (BAKITA)

Majukumu mengine aliyokuwa nayo miaka hiyo ni pamoja na uenyekiti wa Zanzibar Censorship Board (1964-1965), Mjumbe wa Baraza la Chuo Kikuu cha Dar-es-salaam na pia mwenyekiti wa Baraza la Chakula na Lishe.

Kuanzia mwaka 1972 mpaka 1975, Mwinyi alikuwa ni Waziri wa Afya wa Tanzania kabla ya kuteuliwa kuwa Waziri wa Mambo ya Ndani kuanzia 1975 mpaka 1977. Mwaka 1977 aliteuliwa kuwa Balozi wa Tanzania nchini Misri cheo alichokitumikia mpaka mwaka 1982 aliporejea nyumbani na kuwa Waziri wa Maliasili na Utalii cheo ambacho alikutumia kwa muda mfupi tu kwani mwaka 1983 aliteuliwa kuwa Waziri wa Nchi katika ofisi ya Makamu wa Raisi.

Mwaka 1984, kufuatia kujiuzulu kwa aliyekuwa Raisi wa Zanzibar wakati huo,Alhaj Aboud Jumbe, Mwinyi alichaguliwa kuwa Raisi wa Zanzibar, Mwenyekiti wa Baraza la Mapinduzi Zanzibar na wakati huo huo Makamu wa Raisi wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania.

Kuanzia mwezi August mwaka huo huo wa 1984 Mwinyi alichaguliwa kuwa Makamu Mwenyekiti wa Chama cha Mapinduzi cheo alichoendelea nacho mpaka mwaka 1990 baada ya kung’atuka kwa Hayati Mwalimu Nyerere kutoka katika kukiongoza Chama Cha Mapinduzi(CCM)

Mwalimu Nyerere aliamua kung'atuka kwa hiari yake na kumuachia kwa njia ya kidemokrasia madaraka ya urais Alhaji Ali Hassan Mwinyi. Hiyo ilikuwa mnamo 1985.

Alipoingia madarakani kumpokea aliyekuwa Raisi wa Awamu ya kwanza, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere mnamo tarehe 5 Novemba mwaka 1985, watanzania wachache sana (kama wapo) waliweza kutabiri kwamba miaka kumi baadaye na zaidi baada ya kustaafu rasmi, ataibuka kuwa mmojawapo wa maraisi wa Tanzania ambao watabakia kupendwa na kuheshimika kwa namna ya kipekee kabisa.

Tunadiriki kusema “namna ya kipekee” kwa sababu ukweli unabakia kwamba inapofanyika tathmini ya uongozi wake, bado mtu au watu mbalimbali wanakuwa na maoni yao tofauti tofauti kuhusiana na suala hilo. Utoaji huo wa tathmini ni suala ambalo haliwezi kukoma leo wala kesho, ni tukio linaloendea na litakaloendelea, vizazi mpaka vizazi.

Mwinyi kihistoria na utawala wake.
View attachment 1758326
Huo ndio uzuri au ubaya wa historia na muda (history and time),huwa vina jinsi ya kipekee katika kutoa hukumu zao.

Mpaka anakabidhi madaraka yake ya uraisi kwa raisi wa awamu ya tatu, Mheshimiwa Benjamin William Mkapa mnamo tarehe 23 November mwaka 1995, jina ambalo wengi tulipenda kulitumia ni “Mzee Rukhsa” ingawa kamwe hatukuwahi kusahau kwamba jina lake kamili ni Ali Hassan Mwinyi, Raisi wa awamu ya pili wa Jamhuri ya Muungano ya Tanzania.

Kihistoria, Ni wakati wa Uongozi wake ndipo mfumo wa vyama vingi ulipoanzishwa!
Rais Msaafu wa awamu ya pili Mh. Ali Hassan Mwinyi ni mtaalamu wa lugha ya Kiswahili na pia hupenda michezo hususani jogging. Mwinyi ameoa wake wawili (Sitti Mwinyi na Khadija Mwinyi), ana watoto na wajukuu. Anaishi Msasani jijini Dar-es-salaam.

======

AlIi hassan MWINYI

president

Personal Information
Born on May 8, 1925, in Kivure, Tanganyika; raised in Zanzibar (which joined with Tanganyika in 1964 to form Tanzania).
Education: Trained to be a teacher.
Religion: Muslim.

Career

Began professional life as a teacher, became principal at the Zanzibar Teacher Training College. Entered politics in 1963, became permanent secretary to the minister of education in Zanzibar; appointed to the Tanzanian cabinet as minister of state in the president's office,1970; held various government posts in succeeding years, including minister of health and home affairs, 1982-83, and minister of natural resources and tourism, 1982-83; also served as ambassador to Egypt for five years; elected president of Zanzibar and chairman of the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council, 1984; elected vice-chairman of Tanzania's ruling party, CCM, 1984; adopted as the sole presidential candidate by the CCM and elected, 1985; re-elected to a second term in October 1990; became chair of the ruling CCM, 1990.
Life's Work
Tanzania is an East African nation that was formed in 1964 by the union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, a group of islands off the coast that, under the terms of the union, remains semi-autonomous, electing its own president and legislature. Tanzania's capital, Dar es Salaam, is a port city on the Indian Ocean, and the country shares borders with Kenya to the northeast; Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and Zaire to the north and west; and Zambia, Malawi, and Mozambique to the south. Transport routes through Tanzania to its port cities offer central African nations an alternative to transport through South Africa.

Executive powers in Tanzania are vested in a president who is nominated by the sole legal political party, the Revolutionary Party of Tanzania (CCM, Chamo Cha Mapinduzi). The presidential candidate runs unopposed for office and is elected by direct popular vote. Under the most recent constitutional amendments, the presidential term is renewable only once. Since the union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, Tanzania has had only two presidents. Julius Nyerere, president of Tanganyika since independence in 1961 and then of Tanzania, stepped down in 1985 and was succeeded by Ali Hassan Mwinyi, who was re-elected for a second term in 1990.

Mwinyi, a devout Moslem, was born in 1925 on the mainland, but his family moved to the island of Zanzibar when he was very young. He entered politics in 1963, leaving his post as principal of the Zanzibar Teacher Training College to become permanent secretary to the minister of education in Zanzibar. In 1970 he was appointed to the Tanzanian cabinet as minister of state in the president's office. He held various government posts in succeeding years, including minister of health and home affairs (1982-83) and minister of natural resources and tourism (1982-83); he also served as ambassador to Egypt for five years.

In April 1984, Mwinyi was elected president of Zanzibar and chairman of the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council. Later that year he was also elected as vice-chairman of the ruling party, CCM. In May 1984, the National Executive Committee (NEC) of CCM proceeded with proposals to change the constitution, reviving the system of two vice-presidents that had lapsed in 1977. Under this system, the president of Tanzania appoints two vice-presidents, one being the president of Zanzibar and the other the prime minister of the Tanzanian government.

When Mwinyi was elected president of Zanzibar, he also became Nyerere's vice-president. The system of two vice-presidents was adopted, in part, to more precisely define Zanzibar's relationship to the mainland within the union. It was hoped that the system would help put an end to secessionist tendencies in Zanzibar, and the constitutional change also consolidated Mwinyi's political position.
The complete integration of Zanzibar into the mainland was one of Nyerere's primary goals. As president of Zanzibar (1984-85), Mwinyi helped maintain Zanzibar's tenuous link to the mainland at a time when Tanzania's pervasive economic problems caused the islands to question the value of the union. He improved relations with the mainland and succeeded in calming fears that the quasi-autonomy of the islands (Zanzibar and Pemba) was being eroded through constitutional changes.

Mwinyi succeeded Zanzibar's President Jumbe, who was forced to resign to take responsibility for the growth of secessionist sentiments in Zanzibar. Mwinyi had been Jumbe's minister of state and was considered a moderate. He sought to reconcile Zanzibar to the union by introducing economic reforms that allowed market forces a larger role than CCM's socialist policies would normally permit. These reforms generally improved the standard of living in the islands. However, tensions between Zanzibar and the mainland would continue even after Mwinyi had become president of Tanzania.

Mwinyi's moderate political stance--together with circumstance--helped to propel him into Tanzania's presidency. After Nyerere had once again reaffirmed his intention to step down, his heir apparent, Prime Minister Edward Sokoine, was killed in April of 1984. Mwinyi was then appointed to fill the vacancy of vice-president of Tanzania and vice-chairman of the ruling CCM. Mwinyi was elected to the latter post in the August 1984 extraordinary Party National Conference, where he received 96 percent of the delegates' votes and defeated six other candidates.
On August 15, 1985, President Nyerere announced to the special conference of the CCM that Mwinyi would be the sole candidate to succeed him in the October elections. Nyerere introduced him as the party candidate by saying he's "a righteous man, impartial and respectful, [who] has never sought fame or used his position to advance ambition." Commentators regarded Mwinyi as a compromise candidate who was chosen over Salim Ahmed Salim, the prime minister who succeeded Sokoine and who was from Zanzibar, and Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa, the party's secretary-general and a mainlander who was a Nyerere loyalist. Both of these candidates were unacceptable to certain factions within the CCM's executive committee.

Mwinyi and Nyerere together campaigned hard, even though Mwinyi was the sole candidate for president. Nyerere believed it was necessary for the country to rally behind its new president. In the October elections, Mwinyi received 92.2 percent of the votes. His successor as president of Tanzania was Idris Abdul Wakil, who thus also became one of Tanzania's vice-presidents. Interestingly, Wakil only received 61 percent of the votes cast, reflecting his unpopularity with the residents of the island of Pemba.

Since both the new president (Mwinyi) and the prime minister (Salim) were from Zanzibar, the constitution prevented Salim from being prime minister and first-vice president. When he was sworn in as president in November 1985, Mwinyi appointed mainlander Joseph Warioba as prime minister and first vice-president and created the position of deputy prime minister for Salim Salim. The cabinet remained largely unchanged.
Mwinyi faced serious economic problems when he assumed the presidency. The currency was overpriced, and the country's external debt had reached $3 billion. The most basic goods were unavailable in Tanzania's shops. The socialist policies of Nyerere and the CCM, which included widespread nationalization, were generally recognized as unsuccessful. Mwinyi described Tanzania's economic problems of that time by saying that agricultural production was low and farmers could not produce enough food for the country's citizens. The volume of cash crops (tea, coffee, cotton, sisal) was falling each year, resulting in a shortage of foreign exchange. Tanzania was thus forced to import massive amounts of food from abroad at a time when the country had no money to pay for it.

In addition, Tanzania's economic infrastructure had fallen into disrepair: roads had deteriorated, hospitals had no drugs, schools had no books. The external debt was mounting, so Mwinyi sought to reach an agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), with which Tanzania had been negotiating for six years. One of Mwinyi's first actions upon becoming president was to enter into an agreement with the IMF to abandon socialism and remodel the Tanzanian economy along free-market lines. Although opposed by Nyerere and the CCM, the IMF agreement allowed capital to flow, however slowly, into the country.

As a result of the agreement, donor nations agreed to debt rescheduling, and some nations wrote off Tanzania's debts completely. In 1986, the Paris Club, a loosely knit group of Tanzania's donor nations and institutions, agreed to reschedule Tanzania's accumulated matured debts of about $900 million, suspending payment for five years on 97.5 percent of the loan principal and interest. Principal donors agreed to provide $800 million a year for three years to help cover Tanzania's foreign exchange requirements. In 1987, the 21 donor countries and institutions pledged $955 million for 1987 and $978 million for 1988.

As part of the 1986 IMF agreement, Mwinyi introduced a three-year Economic Recovery Plan (ERP) that resulted in IMF approval of a standby loan which was replaced in 1987 by a three-year structural adjustment facility. In a December 31, 1986, speech, Mwinyi said the IMF agreement "did not make us change the principals of our policy of socialism and self-reliance." He acknowledged the bad state of affairs that had necessitated negotiating with the IMF.

The ERP was announced at a time when Tanzanians were lining up for the most basic food commodities. The Economic Recovery Plan involved devaluation of Tanzanian currency, raising of agricultural producer prices, and the removal of corruption from some 400 parastatal companies. Mwinyi closed some of the more inefficient state corporations and returned some factories to private ownership. In 1988, Mwinyi described Tanzania's economy as a "mixed economy," pointing to private enterprise as well as public ownership in the different sectors. Tourism, for example, was both private and public. Mwinyi estimated agricultural production at 80-90 percent private, with all cash and food crops being produced by private individuals. Transport was about 60 percent privately run, and Mwinyi noted that he had expanded the role of the private sector in agricultural distribution, which under Nyerere was done only by parastatal organizations.

The ERP was largely designed by Cleopa Msuya, formerly the prime minister and then the finance minister. In 1987, the CCM showed its opposition to the ERP and the IMF agreement by excluding Msuya from its central committee. To alleviate the effects of the Economic Recovery Plan, under which devaluation made meager wages even more worthless, the minimum wage was increased in 1988, rent assistance was introduced, and income taxes were reduced. Toward the end of 1988, the flow of donor funds into the Tanzanian economy was unblocked, following an IMF agreement, when the government agreed to further devalue the Tanzanian shilling.
The government had been unwilling to further devalue its currency but finally agreed to the IMF's demands. Mwinyi also agreed to reduce public spending and lift import and price controls. He defended the agreement before the CCM as a "lesser evil [between] empty shelves [and] shops full of expensive goods." Commentators noted that Mwinyi had succeeded in bringing basic necessities to the villages, and shops in Dar es Salaam were now filled with local and foreign goods.

Although Mwinyi's pragmatic and liberalizing policies were credited with reviving the Tanzanian economy, he would deny that he reversed the socialist policies of his predecessor. Mwinyi describes the role of the president and the party in Tanzania by saying, "In our country, the party is supreme and the government is only an instrument which implements the party's policies." Mwinyi continued to assert that socialism is a goal for the Tanzanian economy, but he also acknowledged an active private sector in Tanzania's "mixed economy."

In 1989, Mwinyi launched the country's second five-year plan. Its goal was to raise the real growth in gross domestic product (GDP) by 6 percent per year on the mainland and by 4 percent on Zanzibar. While the budget was likely to have a harsh impact on the population, it was regarded by most donors as disappointing. According to the donors, the plan lacked new measures to encourage investment and restructure the produce-marketing boards.

In March 1990, a new investment code was approved by the ruling CCM and went before parliament in April. As part of the liberalization of the economy, it was designed to "entice private and public investors of local and foreign origin to take a more active role in promoting the development of our national economy." As a result of improved foreign relations, Tanzania received foreign aid from the Nordic countries, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Canada wrote off Tanzania's debt entirely.

Mwinyi has also sought to improve relations with Tanzania's neighbors. In 1986, he signed an agreement with Malawi to allow that nation greater access to the port city of Dar es Salaam. In 1987, he reinforced cordial relations with neighboring Mozambique, Zambia, and nearby Zimbabwe. Mwinyi pledged military support to President Chissano of Mozambique in 1986, to guard the railways and fight against what was perceived as South African-supported destabilizing forces. Toward the end of 1988, though, Tanzanian troops were withdrawn from Mozambique. Relations with neighboring Burundi have been strained, with Tanzania expelling thousands of Burundi nationals allegedly living illegally in Tanzania.

Mwinyi gained support for his liberalizing economic policies through a series of cabinet reshuffles, dismissals, and party politicking. Faced with the problem of corruption, he dismissed prominent government administrators. In the middle of his first term, Mwinyi was viewed by some commentators as a transitional president who would be succeeded in 1990 by Joseph Warioba, the prime minister under Nyerere and a dedicated follower of Nyerere and the CCM's socialist policies. In 1987, two cabinet reshuffles resulted in at least three ministers being replaced; they had been regarded as supporters of the traditional party ideology and opposed to Mwinyi's liberalization policies.

At the CCM's third national conference in 1987, Nyerere surprised the 1,800 delegates by announcing he would remain as chairman of CCM, with Mwinyi being renominated as the CCM vice-chairman. In September 1988, Mwinyi strengthened his control over the armed forces by appointing a new chief of general staff, General Ernest Mwita Kiaro, and a new army chief of staff, General Tumainiel Kiwelu. In 1989 Mwinyi created two new ministries and abolished the post of deputy prime minister that had been created for Salim in 1985.

Mwinyi also took over the defense and national service portfolio, sharing responsibilities in this area with Nyerere. In February, the CCM initiated a campaign against corruption in the government, and Mwinyi dismissed seven ministers who had allegedly opposed plans for economic reform and presided over corrupt or irresponsible ministries. This latest reshuffle was seen as a move to secure support for the new investment code, which had reportedly provoked dissent among some socialist ministers.

Mwinyi succeed Nyerere as chair of the CCM in August 1990. In the presidential and general elections set for October 1990, Mwinyi was chosen as the sole candidate for president. Following the elections, Mwinyi appointed a new prime minister, John Malecela, former high commissioner to the United Kingdom. Malecela replaced Joseph Warioba, who had hitherto been considered an eventual successor to Mwinyi.


kwa uhakikza zaidi tembelea hapa utasoma habari hii Ali Hassan Mwinyi: Biography from Answers.com
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Mwinyi alizaliwa 1925, hivyo rekebisha maelezo yako yawe kama ilivyoandikwa chini kwa kiingereza. Wewe umeandika alizaliwa 1923 ambapo kwa sasa angekuwa amebakisha miezi michache tu kufikisha miaka 100 kitu ambacho ni uongo. Mwaka huu mwezi Mei alisherehekea kutimiza miaka yake 97.
 
Bornvilla said:
Hivi mtoto akizaliwa Kenya na wazazi wake wabongo mtoto anakuwa sio mtanzania? Au wahindi sio wa India? Usitake kutuletea hoja zisizo na msingi hapa. Mwinyi alikuwa Rais wa Tanzania period! Kwani Zanzibar sio Tanzania? Sawa kama hoja yako ipo kabla ya muungano,je kwani Tanganyika haina waliozaliwa Zanzibar na niwabara tena wazigua? Nyie ndio wale wote wanao kataa kabila zao na kujipachika kwenye makabila ya wengine.Huwezi kubadili kabila.Mswahili ataendelea kuwa mswahili hata kama atajua kiingereza vipi,hawezi kamwe kuwa mwingereza. Ndio kuna uraia wa kuzaliwa lakini lazima uwe na vibali vya kukudhibitisha. Acha mambo ya ajabu kama unachuki binafsi hizo ni zako lakini usipandikize kwa wengine.
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Aisee....
 
GHIBUU said:
HISTORIA: TUMJUE "MZEE WA RUKHSA" RAIS MSTAAFU ALI HASSAN MWINYI
View attachment 1758329
Ali Hassan Mwinyi alizaliwa tarehe 8 mwezi wa tano (Mei) mwaka 1923 katika kijiji cha Kivure, wilayani Kisarawe ,mkoa wa Pwani, Tanzania Bara. Kama wengi wa viongozi wetu, Mwinyi naye alizaliwa katika iliyokuwa Tanganyika. Akiwa bado mwenye umri mdogo sana familia yake ilihamia Zanzibar. Kwa maana hiyo Mwinyi ni mzaliwa wa bara aliyekulia na kuendelea kuishi visiwani Zanzibar.

Alianza safari yake kielimu huko visiwani Zanzibar katika shule ya msingi Mangapwani kuanzia mwaka 1933 hadi 1936 kabla ya kujiunga na shule ya sekondari Dole kwa ajili ya elimu ya sekondari kuanzia mwaka 1937 mpaka mwaka 1942. Baada ya hapo alijiunga na Chuo Cha Ualimu Zanzibar kusomea ualimu kuanzia mwaka 1943 mpaka 1944.

Kuanzia mwaka 1945 mpaka mwaka 1950 alirejea tena katika shule ya Mangapwani,shule aliyosomea,safari hii akiwa sio mwanafunzi tena bali Mwalimu.Kuanzia mwaka 1950 mpaka 1954 alikuwa Mwalimu Mkuu wa shule hiyo wakati huo huo alikuwa akiongeza elimu yake kwa kujipatia General Certificate in Education (GCE) na pia aliendelea kusoma chuo cha Durban University Institute of Education, United Kingdom kusomea stashahada ya ualimu.

Baada ya hapo alijiunga tena na Chuo Cha Ualimu Zanzibar kama mkufunzi kuanzia mwaka 1956 mpaka mwaka 1961 Pia alirudi Regent Institute kilichopo London nchini Uingereza ambapo alijipatia cheti cha ufundishaji lugha ya kiingereza.

Kuanzia mwaka 1961 mpaka 1962 alijiunga na Hall University, Uingereza katika Tutors’ Attachment Course. Mzee Mwinyi pia ana cheti ya lugha ya kiarabu alichokipatia Cairo nchini Misri kati ya mwaka 1972 na 1974.

Safari yake ya kisiasa aliianza rasmi mwaka 1964 alipojiunga na Afro Shiraz Party (ASP) huko Zanzibar ambapo alikitumikia chama katika ngazi na nafasi mbalimbali.

Kati ya mwaka 1964 na 1965 alikuwa ni Katibu Mkuu wa muda katika wizara ya elimu Zanzibar kabla hajateuliwa kuwa Naibu Mkurugenzi katika iliyokuwa Zanzibar State Trading Corporation (ZSTC).

Hiyo ilikuwa ni kati ya mwaka 1965 na mwaka 1970. Pia katika miaka hiyo hiyo, kuanzia mwaka 1966 mpaka 1970, Mwinyi alikuwa mweka hazina msaidizi katika tawi la ASP la Makadara,Zanzibar. Wakati huo huo pia kati ya mwaka 1964 mpaka 1977 alikuwa ni mwenyekiti wa Baraza la Kiswahili Tanzania (BAKITA)

Majukumu mengine aliyokuwa nayo miaka hiyo ni pamoja na uenyekiti wa Zanzibar Censorship Board (1964-1965), Mjumbe wa Baraza la Chuo Kikuu cha Dar-es-salaam na pia mwenyekiti wa Baraza la Chakula na Lishe.

Kuanzia mwaka 1972 mpaka 1975, Mwinyi alikuwa ni Waziri wa Afya wa Tanzania kabla ya kuteuliwa kuwa Waziri wa Mambo ya Ndani kuanzia 1975 mpaka 1977. Mwaka 1977 aliteuliwa kuwa Balozi wa Tanzania nchini Misri cheo alichokitumikia mpaka mwaka 1982 aliporejea nyumbani na kuwa Waziri wa Maliasili na Utalii cheo ambacho alikutumia kwa muda mfupi tu kwani mwaka 1983 aliteuliwa kuwa Waziri wa Nchi katika ofisi ya Makamu wa Raisi.

Mwaka 1984, kufuatia kujiuzulu kwa aliyekuwa Raisi wa Zanzibar wakati huo,Alhaj Aboud Jumbe, Mwinyi alichaguliwa kuwa Raisi wa Zanzibar, Mwenyekiti wa Baraza la Mapinduzi Zanzibar na wakati huo huo Makamu wa Raisi wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania.

Kuanzia mwezi August mwaka huo huo wa 1984 Mwinyi alichaguliwa kuwa Makamu Mwenyekiti wa Chama cha Mapinduzi cheo alichoendelea nacho mpaka mwaka 1990 baada ya kung’atuka kwa Hayati Mwalimu Nyerere kutoka katika kukiongoza Chama Cha Mapinduzi(CCM)

Mwalimu Nyerere aliamua kung'atuka kwa hiari yake na kumuachia kwa njia ya kidemokrasia madaraka ya urais Alhaji Ali Hassan Mwinyi. Hiyo ilikuwa mnamo 1985.

Alipoingia madarakani kumpokea aliyekuwa Raisi wa Awamu ya kwanza, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere mnamo tarehe 5 Novemba mwaka 1985, watanzania wachache sana (kama wapo) waliweza kutabiri kwamba miaka kumi baadaye na zaidi baada ya kustaafu rasmi, ataibuka kuwa mmojawapo wa maraisi wa Tanzania ambao watabakia kupendwa na kuheshimika kwa namna ya kipekee kabisa.

Tunadiriki kusema “namna ya kipekee” kwa sababu ukweli unabakia kwamba inapofanyika tathmini ya uongozi wake, bado mtu au watu mbalimbali wanakuwa na maoni yao tofauti tofauti kuhusiana na suala hilo. Utoaji huo wa tathmini ni suala ambalo haliwezi kukoma leo wala kesho, ni tukio linaloendea na litakaloendelea, vizazi mpaka vizazi.

Mwinyi kihistoria na utawala wake.
View attachment 1758326
Huo ndio uzuri au ubaya wa historia na muda (history and time),huwa vina jinsi ya kipekee katika kutoa hukumu zao.

Mpaka anakabidhi madaraka yake ya uraisi kwa raisi wa awamu ya tatu, Mheshimiwa Benjamin William Mkapa mnamo tarehe 23 November mwaka 1995, jina ambalo wengi tulipenda kulitumia ni “Mzee Rukhsa” ingawa kamwe hatukuwahi kusahau kwamba jina lake kamili ni Ali Hassan Mwinyi, Raisi wa awamu ya pili wa Jamhuri ya Muungano ya Tanzania.

Kihistoria, Ni wakati wa Uongozi wake ndipo mfumo wa vyama vingi ulipoanzishwa!
Rais Msaafu wa awamu ya pili Mh. Ali Hassan Mwinyi ni mtaalamu wa lugha ya Kiswahili na pia hupenda michezo hususani jogging. Mwinyi ameoa wake wawili (Sitti Mwinyi na Khadija Mwinyi), ana watoto na wajukuu. Anaishi Msasani jijini Dar-es-salaam.

======

AlIi hassan MWINYI

president

Personal Information
Born on May 8, 1925, in Kivure, Tanganyika; raised in Zanzibar (which joined with Tanganyika in 1964 to form Tanzania).
Education: Trained to be a teacher.
Religion: Muslim.

Career

Began professional life as a teacher, became principal at the Zanzibar Teacher Training College. Entered politics in 1963, became permanent secretary to the minister of education in Zanzibar; appointed to the Tanzanian cabinet as minister of state in the president's office,1970; held various government posts in succeeding years, including minister of health and home affairs, 1982-83, and minister of natural resources and tourism, 1982-83; also served as ambassador to Egypt for five years; elected president of Zanzibar and chairman of the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council, 1984; elected vice-chairman of Tanzania's ruling party, CCM, 1984; adopted as the sole presidential candidate by the CCM and elected, 1985; re-elected to a second term in October 1990; became chair of the ruling CCM, 1990.
Life's Work
Tanzania is an East African nation that was formed in 1964 by the union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, a group of islands off the coast that, under the terms of the union, remains semi-autonomous, electing its own president and legislature. Tanzania's capital, Dar es Salaam, is a port city on the Indian Ocean, and the country shares borders with Kenya to the northeast; Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and Zaire to the north and west; and Zambia, Malawi, and Mozambique to the south. Transport routes through Tanzania to its port cities offer central African nations an alternative to transport through South Africa.

Executive powers in Tanzania are vested in a president who is nominated by the sole legal political party, the Revolutionary Party of Tanzania (CCM, Chamo Cha Mapinduzi). The presidential candidate runs unopposed for office and is elected by direct popular vote. Under the most recent constitutional amendments, the presidential term is renewable only once. Since the union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, Tanzania has had only two presidents. Julius Nyerere, president of Tanganyika since independence in 1961 and then of Tanzania, stepped down in 1985 and was succeeded by Ali Hassan Mwinyi, who was re-elected for a second term in 1990.

Mwinyi, a devout Moslem, was born in 1925 on the mainland, but his family moved to the island of Zanzibar when he was very young. He entered politics in 1963, leaving his post as principal of the Zanzibar Teacher Training College to become permanent secretary to the minister of education in Zanzibar. In 1970 he was appointed to the Tanzanian cabinet as minister of state in the president's office. He held various government posts in succeeding years, including minister of health and home affairs (1982-83) and minister of natural resources and tourism (1982-83); he also served as ambassador to Egypt for five years.

In April 1984, Mwinyi was elected president of Zanzibar and chairman of the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council. Later that year he was also elected as vice-chairman of the ruling party, CCM. In May 1984, the National Executive Committee (NEC) of CCM proceeded with proposals to change the constitution, reviving the system of two vice-presidents that had lapsed in 1977. Under this system, the president of Tanzania appoints two vice-presidents, one being the president of Zanzibar and the other the prime minister of the Tanzanian government.

When Mwinyi was elected president of Zanzibar, he also became Nyerere's vice-president. The system of two vice-presidents was adopted, in part, to more precisely define Zanzibar's relationship to the mainland within the union. It was hoped that the system would help put an end to secessionist tendencies in Zanzibar, and the constitutional change also consolidated Mwinyi's political position.
The complete integration of Zanzibar into the mainland was one of Nyerere's primary goals. As president of Zanzibar (1984-85), Mwinyi helped maintain Zanzibar's tenuous link to the mainland at a time when Tanzania's pervasive economic problems caused the islands to question the value of the union. He improved relations with the mainland and succeeded in calming fears that the quasi-autonomy of the islands (Zanzibar and Pemba) was being eroded through constitutional changes.

Mwinyi succeeded Zanzibar's President Jumbe, who was forced to resign to take responsibility for the growth of secessionist sentiments in Zanzibar. Mwinyi had been Jumbe's minister of state and was considered a moderate. He sought to reconcile Zanzibar to the union by introducing economic reforms that allowed market forces a larger role than CCM's socialist policies would normally permit. These reforms generally improved the standard of living in the islands. However, tensions between Zanzibar and the mainland would continue even after Mwinyi had become president of Tanzania.

Mwinyi's moderate political stance--together with circumstance--helped to propel him into Tanzania's presidency. After Nyerere had once again reaffirmed his intention to step down, his heir apparent, Prime Minister Edward Sokoine, was killed in April of 1984. Mwinyi was then appointed to fill the vacancy of vice-president of Tanzania and vice-chairman of the ruling CCM. Mwinyi was elected to the latter post in the August 1984 extraordinary Party National Conference, where he received 96 percent of the delegates' votes and defeated six other candidates.
On August 15, 1985, President Nyerere announced to the special conference of the CCM that Mwinyi would be the sole candidate to succeed him in the October elections. Nyerere introduced him as the party candidate by saying he's "a righteous man, impartial and respectful, [who] has never sought fame or used his position to advance ambition." Commentators regarded Mwinyi as a compromise candidate who was chosen over Salim Ahmed Salim, the prime minister who succeeded Sokoine and who was from Zanzibar, and Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa, the party's secretary-general and a mainlander who was a Nyerere loyalist. Both of these candidates were unacceptable to certain factions within the CCM's executive committee.

Mwinyi and Nyerere together campaigned hard, even though Mwinyi was the sole candidate for president. Nyerere believed it was necessary for the country to rally behind its new president. In the October elections, Mwinyi received 92.2 percent of the votes. His successor as president of Tanzania was Idris Abdul Wakil, who thus also became one of Tanzania's vice-presidents. Interestingly, Wakil only received 61 percent of the votes cast, reflecting his unpopularity with the residents of the island of Pemba.

Since both the new president (Mwinyi) and the prime minister (Salim) were from Zanzibar, the constitution prevented Salim from being prime minister and first-vice president. When he was sworn in as president in November 1985, Mwinyi appointed mainlander Joseph Warioba as prime minister and first vice-president and created the position of deputy prime minister for Salim Salim. The cabinet remained largely unchanged.
Mwinyi faced serious economic problems when he assumed the presidency. The currency was overpriced, and the country's external debt had reached $3 billion. The most basic goods were unavailable in Tanzania's shops. The socialist policies of Nyerere and the CCM, which included widespread nationalization, were generally recognized as unsuccessful. Mwinyi described Tanzania's economic problems of that time by saying that agricultural production was low and farmers could not produce enough food for the country's citizens. The volume of cash crops (tea, coffee, cotton, sisal) was falling each year, resulting in a shortage of foreign exchange. Tanzania was thus forced to import massive amounts of food from abroad at a time when the country had no money to pay for it.

In addition, Tanzania's economic infrastructure had fallen into disrepair: roads had deteriorated, hospitals had no drugs, schools had no books. The external debt was mounting, so Mwinyi sought to reach an agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), with which Tanzania had been negotiating for six years. One of Mwinyi's first actions upon becoming president was to enter into an agreement with the IMF to abandon socialism and remodel the Tanzanian economy along free-market lines. Although opposed by Nyerere and the CCM, the IMF agreement allowed capital to flow, however slowly, into the country.

As a result of the agreement, donor nations agreed to debt rescheduling, and some nations wrote off Tanzania's debts completely. In 1986, the Paris Club, a loosely knit group of Tanzania's donor nations and institutions, agreed to reschedule Tanzania's accumulated matured debts of about $900 million, suspending payment for five years on 97.5 percent of the loan principal and interest. Principal donors agreed to provide $800 million a year for three years to help cover Tanzania's foreign exchange requirements. In 1987, the 21 donor countries and institutions pledged $955 million for 1987 and $978 million for 1988.

As part of the 1986 IMF agreement, Mwinyi introduced a three-year Economic Recovery Plan (ERP) that resulted in IMF approval of a standby loan which was replaced in 1987 by a three-year structural adjustment facility. In a December 31, 1986, speech, Mwinyi said the IMF agreement "did not make us change the principals of our policy of socialism and self-reliance." He acknowledged the bad state of affairs that had necessitated negotiating with the IMF.

The ERP was announced at a time when Tanzanians were lining up for the most basic food commodities. The Economic Recovery Plan involved devaluation of Tanzanian currency, raising of agricultural producer prices, and the removal of corruption from some 400 parastatal companies. Mwinyi closed some of the more inefficient state corporations and returned some factories to private ownership. In 1988, Mwinyi described Tanzania's economy as a "mixed economy," pointing to private enterprise as well as public ownership in the different sectors. Tourism, for example, was both private and public. Mwinyi estimated agricultural production at 80-90 percent private, with all cash and food crops being produced by private individuals. Transport was about 60 percent privately run, and Mwinyi noted that he had expanded the role of the private sector in agricultural distribution, which under Nyerere was done only by parastatal organizations.

The ERP was largely designed by Cleopa Msuya, formerly the prime minister and then the finance minister. In 1987, the CCM showed its opposition to the ERP and the IMF agreement by excluding Msuya from its central committee. To alleviate the effects of the Economic Recovery Plan, under which devaluation made meager wages even more worthless, the minimum wage was increased in 1988, rent assistance was introduced, and income taxes were reduced. Toward the end of 1988, the flow of donor funds into the Tanzanian economy was unblocked, following an IMF agreement, when the government agreed to further devalue the Tanzanian shilling.
The government had been unwilling to further devalue its currency but finally agreed to the IMF's demands. Mwinyi also agreed to reduce public spending and lift import and price controls. He defended the agreement before the CCM as a "lesser evil [between] empty shelves [and] shops full of expensive goods." Commentators noted that Mwinyi had succeeded in bringing basic necessities to the villages, and shops in Dar es Salaam were now filled with local and foreign goods.

Although Mwinyi's pragmatic and liberalizing policies were credited with reviving the Tanzanian economy, he would deny that he reversed the socialist policies of his predecessor. Mwinyi describes the role of the president and the party in Tanzania by saying, "In our country, the party is supreme and the government is only an instrument which implements the party's policies." Mwinyi continued to assert that socialism is a goal for the Tanzanian economy, but he also acknowledged an active private sector in Tanzania's "mixed economy."

In 1989, Mwinyi launched the country's second five-year plan. Its goal was to raise the real growth in gross domestic product (GDP) by 6 percent per year on the mainland and by 4 percent on Zanzibar. While the budget was likely to have a harsh impact on the population, it was regarded by most donors as disappointing. According to the donors, the plan lacked new measures to encourage investment and restructure the produce-marketing boards.

In March 1990, a new investment code was approved by the ruling CCM and went before parliament in April. As part of the liberalization of the economy, it was designed to "entice private and public investors of local and foreign origin to take a more active role in promoting the development of our national economy." As a result of improved foreign relations, Tanzania received foreign aid from the Nordic countries, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Canada wrote off Tanzania's debt entirely.

Mwinyi has also sought to improve relations with Tanzania's neighbors. In 1986, he signed an agreement with Malawi to allow that nation greater access to the port city of Dar es Salaam. In 1987, he reinforced cordial relations with neighboring Mozambique, Zambia, and nearby Zimbabwe. Mwinyi pledged military support to President Chissano of Mozambique in 1986, to guard the railways and fight against what was perceived as South African-supported destabilizing forces. Toward the end of 1988, though, Tanzanian troops were withdrawn from Mozambique. Relations with neighboring Burundi have been strained, with Tanzania expelling thousands of Burundi nationals allegedly living illegally in Tanzania.

Mwinyi gained support for his liberalizing economic policies through a series of cabinet reshuffles, dismissals, and party politicking. Faced with the problem of corruption, he dismissed prominent government administrators. In the middle of his first term, Mwinyi was viewed by some commentators as a transitional president who would be succeeded in 1990 by Joseph Warioba, the prime minister under Nyerere and a dedicated follower of Nyerere and the CCM's socialist policies. In 1987, two cabinet reshuffles resulted in at least three ministers being replaced; they had been regarded as supporters of the traditional party ideology and opposed to Mwinyi's liberalization policies.

At the CCM's third national conference in 1987, Nyerere surprised the 1,800 delegates by announcing he would remain as chairman of CCM, with Mwinyi being renominated as the CCM vice-chairman. In September 1988, Mwinyi strengthened his control over the armed forces by appointing a new chief of general staff, General Ernest Mwita Kiaro, and a new army chief of staff, General Tumainiel Kiwelu. In 1989 Mwinyi created two new ministries and abolished the post of deputy prime minister that had been created for Salim in 1985.

Mwinyi also took over the defense and national service portfolio, sharing responsibilities in this area with Nyerere. In February, the CCM initiated a campaign against corruption in the government, and Mwinyi dismissed seven ministers who had allegedly opposed plans for economic reform and presided over corrupt or irresponsible ministries. This latest reshuffle was seen as a move to secure support for the new investment code, which had reportedly provoked dissent among some socialist ministers.

Mwinyi succeed Nyerere as chair of the CCM in August 1990. In the presidential and general elections set for October 1990, Mwinyi was chosen as the sole candidate for president. Following the elections, Mwinyi appointed a new prime minister, John Malecela, former high commissioner to the United Kingdom. Malecela replaced Joseph Warioba, who had hitherto been considered an eventual successor to Mwinyi.


kwa uhakikza zaidi tembelea hapa utasoma habari hii Ali Hassan Mwinyi: Biography from Answers.com
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watanzania bwana na wale mnaowataja wakiwa na mafanikio ila sio raia wenu ila ni watanzania
 
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