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    1. Game Theory's Avatar
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      Default Tanzania's Foreign Policy

      This question on the surface appears ridiculous. However, anyone who has followed Tanzania's foreign policy since 1960s will tell you that the question is worth asking. I for one genuinely think we do not have a distinctly Tanzanian foreign policy niche.

      Our foreign policy since 1960's is at best ‘follow the crowd’ type, and at worst, ‘no foreign policy’ stance at all. I used the two phrases, that is, ‘follow the crowd’ and ‘no foreign policy’ to mean a foreign policy that has no coherent and distinctive doctrinal orientation and niche. The distinctive markers of such a foreign policy are, first, government officials are reactionary rather than proactive, second, official stated foreign policy goals are usually vague and foreign minister frequently flip floppers , and third, the executive rather than well trained professionals becomes the implementer of the policy.

      Tanzania’s foreign policy since our first President Jk Nyerere exhibits the above tendencies. Many Tanzanians were unhappy at the frequent tricking of the President during his first term. But as many foreign policy experts will tell you frequent trips of Presidents are typical of states without any well established foreign policy niche.




      Unlike states with established niche whose leaders travel primarily to seal deals already worked out or to engage in diplomatic niceties, leaders of countries without well established stance do the diplomacy themselves. Talk to Kenyans,Ethiopians etc experts on foreign policy and they will tell you the same story. In such states, foreign policy orientation is based on the whims of who ever is in power.

      The President views on international affairs constitute the foreign policy stance of the country. You hardly find these in countries such as South Africa, Botswana, and of course, many advanced countries.

      I was one of those people who thought the CCM will solve our lack of clear foreign policy stance by developing a long term and well fashioned foreign policy niche that is grounded in economic imperatives. If I were disappointed at the CCM's inability to issue a major foreign policy document in the first four years, the extent of my dissatisfaction reached an unbearable height when our then Minister of Foreign Affairs suggested that there will be no major overhaul of our foreign policy.

      Maybe, Mrs Migiro needed to be reminded that our missions abroad are not attracting the necessary investment and other returns. Perhaps, Mrs Migiro wanted to be told that you get to know we have people manning some of our critical missions only during festive occasions. Neither do we have the technical and analytical resources to take advantage of the opportunities presented by the international trading system and bilateral relations, nor do we have what it takes to woo good foreign investors.

      There is a famous saying in places like Geneva that some missions have staffs that are there only “to eat good food.” I am not suggesting that we belong to the “eat good food” group but we may not be far from it. Our missions have become places for big parties and ‘arenas for enjoyment.’ There are no serious efforts to get value for the huge dollars we spend in maintaining them.

      I am not making just speculative claims. Only two examples will do for now. First, couple of years ago I once recommended to a friend who was writing a major policy document on Africa for one of the Northern countries to add concerns of Tanzania and s/he was treated as if s/he was soliciting money from the mission staff. This mission opens at 9:30am and closes at 16:hrs. It was therefore unsurprising that the mission officials could not find 30 minutes to add Tanzania’s concerns to the report which was read by the very people we expect goodies.

      In another case, a friend offered to upgrade and update for free a webpage in one of our missions which was in a deplorable condition. This is a mission that should bring lots of investment and yet the information we put up there was outdated, translation of our message to the language of the host country was terrible and a whole lots of other unprofessional stuffs.

      Anyway, after almost a year and half the only thing this friend received from the mission was acknowledgement of receipt of the offer and a promise to get in touch over the phone. The webpage still remains in that terrible condition and this friend is still waiting for the gracious call. The idea of professionalism and skills (I mean real skills and not the simplistic equation of rhetorical ability with talent) are gradually disappearing from our missions.

      There may well be some remnants of the skilled individuals we once had, but the number is just dwindling at an alarming rate. Yet this is a country that has an academic center, staffed with people who take dollars, purportedly to nurture skilled foreign policy officers. The centre is also supposed to help us develop a coherent foreign policy.

      Are we getting value for these money? Of course, they will find easy scapegoats if you did talk to the powers that be at the center. What they will not tell you is that the instructors at the center trick to town and in courtrooms in droves in search of more money instead of reading current materials or updating their course materials.
      What skills do you expect from the trainees when they are only exposed to out of date works such as Organski/Morgenthau’s books? Surely, such individuals cannot compete with trainees who are abreast with current information in leading scientific journals such as International Organization, International Negotiation just to mention a few.

      Thus, we should not blame only the politician— we are good at making them scapegoats all the time— for Tanzania’s lack of a good foreign policy and the terrible condition of our missions. We should also question our academics. Not only have they failed to produce the skilled and professional officers we need, but also they have even failed to initiative national debate aimed at helping Tanzania develop a proper foreign policy orientation.

      A PhD candidate in mathematics from one of the Ivy League schools in the U.K once told me a time will come when Tanzanian farmers will be on the street demanding to know the value for their money that government gives to the universities as subversions. I thought he will soon graduate not in mathematics but in lunaticism; I did not tell him though but only told him to take a break from studies.

      But with the names of our academics absent in leading scientific journals, their voices unheard in major public discourses and debates, their notes out of date, their inputs in national policy documents absent and their influence on national development questionable, I am tempted to think that the hypothesis of my supposedly lunatic friend may one day have empirical support. It is about time our academics begin to initiative and direct national debate. They should not leave public discourse and important national debate to radio presenters and newspaper editors. Tanzania’s foreign policy may be a good starting point.
      Last edited by Game Theory; 6th October 2007 at 09:28.

    2. Azam

    3. Game Theory's Avatar
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      Default Re: Tanzania's Foreign Policy

      duh!

      siamini kama niliandika hayo hapo juu

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      Nhi za Africa nyingi hazina foreign policy yakueleweka au hazina kabisa kutokana na utgemezi. Nchi zilizo endelea au big powers zenyewe zinazo kwani hawaogopi nchi nyingine na wanajitegemea kiuchumi. sisi bado ombaomba kwahiyo inabidi tuwe tupotupo tu.
      Semenya

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      Default Re: Tanzania's Foreign Policy

      GT tutofautishe FP yetu wakati wa JKN na wakati wa AHM, BWM na JMK - Huwezi kusema hii FP hapa chini ndio hii tuliyonayo sasa!

      Nyerere and the Commonwealth

      Chief Emeka Anyaoku with Annar Cassam

      2009-10-13, Issue 452

      http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/59508

      The sun set over the British empire in the aftermath of the Second World War and simultaneously, with the independence of India in 1948, there was born a new multinational institution, the Commonwealth of Nations. The new Republic of India became its first non white member in 1949, joining the older ex-dominions of Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa.

      Ghana, the first independent country from Africa, joined in 1957 and the decade of the 1960s began with a memorable episode in international diplomacy initiated by Julius Nyerere, the leader of the soon-to-be-independent Tanganyika in 1961. The stage was the annual Commonwealth Heads of State and Government Meeting in London in July 1961. On the eve of this gathering, Nyerere (whose own country’s Uhuru date was already set for December 1961), wrote a letter to the Observer and the Manchester Guardian which seriously rattled the British establishment.

      The letter also and above all shook the South African government for it questioned the presence of a racist regime in an international institution based on the principles of mutual respect and equality among all nations, new and old. How could Africa join an organisation which had as its member a state which applied apartheid and white supremacy as its official policy, asked Nyerere. In a well-argued letter, he explained that his country would definitely not seek membership in such a case and that his example could well be followed by other African, Asian and Caribbean countries soon to gain independence from the U.K.

      The case was unanswerable and Nyerere was seconded by the then Prime Minister of Canada, John Diefenbaker, who took on the task of “persuading” his South African counterpart (Henrik Verwoerd) to resign from the Commonwealth rather than face being expelled from it. The South Africans left the meeting forthwith, Mwalimu remained and six months later in the same year, Tanganyika was welcomed as a full member.

      This event was recalled by the distinguished Nigerian diplomat, Emeka Anyaoku, who spent 34 years at the Commonwealth Secretariat and who became its Secretary-General from 1990 to 2000. As he explained, he had the privilege of observing, aiding and accompanying President Nyerere in his many interventions and initiatives on behalf of Africa and the Third World in general and on behalf of the liberation struggle of South and Southern Africa in particular. In many of these instances, the President came into serious conflict with the British government of the day, for the Commonwealth connection did not turn out to be the cosy network they had perhaps once imagined.

      A most difficult chapter opened in 1965 when Ian Smith, head of the white settlers in control of the British colony of Rhodesia, declared himself and the colony “independent” of British rule under UDI (for Universal Declaration of Independence). The matter was discussed at the Organization of African Unity (OAU) Summit that year and President Nyerere and his colleagues demanded in a Resolution that the British government take responsibility for this illegal act of usurpation on the part of Smith, failing which OAU member states would end diplomatic relations with the U.K.

      Mwalimu argued that the British should follow the example of General De Gaulle who had had to face a similar challenge from some French settlers of Algeria whose attempt to act unilaterally had been rejected forcefully by the General. The Labour Government of Harold Wilson refused to force Smith to return to legality and in December 1965, Tanzania and Ghana ended all diplomatic contacts with the U.K.

      As Chief Anyaoku points out, the matter did not rest there. Mwalimu was consistent in his relentless opposition to racist politics no matter where these were manifest. In this way, he mobilised and inspired many other Commonwealth citizens. One such was the first Secretary General of the Commonwealth, the Canadian Arnold Smith, appointed in 1965. In 1966, at the meeting of the Commonwealth Law Ministers held in London, Arnold Smith solved the dilemma of the break in relations between the U.K. administration and the African states mentioned above in an innovative manner. He invited and encouraged these delegations to come to London because he took the position that the Commonwealth was an international organisation whose activities were not subject to the policies of the host government. He cited the example of the presence of Cuba at the UN in New York. The Law Ministers in question duly attended the meeting at Marlborough House, London.

      In September of the same year, these countries also attended the Heads of State and Government Meeting in London where once more, Nyerere led the charge to get the British to act on Ian Smith in Rhodesia. The African group demanded action in the form of sanctions against Rhodesia but the British Prime Minister proposed mere talks with the rebel regime. As a result, the Africans proposed and the Summit adopted the famous resolution on NIBMAR (No Independence Before Majority African Rule) which embarrassed the British, if not the Rhodesian rebels, in a significant manner.

      By the time of the 1971 Commonwealth Summit held in Singapore, another conflict had arisen between Nyerere and the British government, now led by Prime Minister Edward Heath. The British gave notice of their decision to revive the Simonstown Agreement with South Africa for the sale of British arms to that country. Mwalimu protested that these arms were destined to be used against the black population of South Africa and as such the Agreement was indefensible. The British rejected this argument based on the legalistic position of the duty of states to respect treaty obligations. Matters came to a head at Singapore when Mwalimu, supported by President Kaunda of Zambia and President Obote of Uganda, strongly challenged Prime Minister Heath on the Simonstown Agreement issue. In the end, the British bowed to pressure from Africa and the rest of the Commonwealth but a heavy price was paid at the Summit by Uganda whose President was deposed in a coup d’état while attending the meeting and whose population subsequently suffered for years under the bloody and demented reign of Idi Amin.

      These Summits were not always so confrontational, as Chief Anyaoku points out. Mwalimu was not always on the war-path with the opposition in these meetings! His preferred method was a mixture of intellectual argument and gentle humour as was the case at the 1975 Summit in Jamaica. During the discussion on the liberation struggle in Africa, President Kaunda had given an emotional statement praising the solidarity and concrete help given to the liberation movements by China and the USSR. Whereupon Prime Minister Lee Kwan Yew of Singapore chided him for having “let the cat out of the bag” by revealing an open secret. Mwalimu immediately diffused the situation in a memorable and spontaneous aphorism, namely that “when the mice are out, we must let out the cat!”

      The years 1974-75 brought momentous changes for the liberation struggle in Africa with the collapse of the Salazar regime in Lisbon, the liberation of Mozambique by FRELIMO and the attempted South African invasion of Angola, an attempt that was thwarted by Cuban military assistance to the besieged MPLA government in Luanda. These events destabilised the Cold War boundary-lines in Africa which the West had taken for granted and which the USA especially could not abandon, caught as the Americans were in an ideological time-warp of their own making, in spite of their defeat in Vietnam in 1975. Henry Kissinger's visit to Dar es Salaam in 1977 to meet Nyerere, Chairman of the Frontline States, was a belated exercise in shuffle diplomacy; times had changed and so had the realities on the ground.

      By 1979, the Commonwealth too had changed and into this changed world stepped the next British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher to face a cast of experienced old-timers such as Nyerere, Kaunda, Ian Smith and the Queen, the perennial symbolic Head of the Commonwealth. The organisation's Secretary-General was now the former Attorney General of Guyana, Shridath 'Sonny' Ramphal, and his Deputy was Emeka Anyaoku, the living institutional memory of the organisation.

      The liberation struggle in southern Africa had also been transformed by the formation of the Frontline States, FLS (Tanzania, Zambia, Mozambique, Botswana and Angola) under the chairmanship of President Nyerere. The next chapter in the FLS strategy centered on the liberation of Rhodesia from the illegal grip of Ian Smith who had never been challenged by the British crown and who had by now made the place into a 'republic.' In 1979, under a so-called “internal settlement”, Smith appointed the first black Prime Minster, Bishop Abel Muzorewa and began to negotiate with the new British government for formal recognition.

      At President Kaunda's invitation, the venue of the 1979 Commonwealth Summit was Lusaka and the date was set for August. In May of that year, it became known that Mrs. Thatcher was preparing to recognise the Muzorewa government in spite of the fact that the British had ended formal diplomatic ties with Smith some years previously. In July, the rightwing Prime Minister of New Zealand, Robert Muldoon, came to London to lunch with Mrs. Thatcher, following which he gave a press conference to explain to the media how very concerned he was about the level of safety and security arrangements concerning the Queen during her stay in Lusaka. Within hours, at 6p.m. Buckingham Palace issued a statement to the effect that “it remained the firm intention of Her Majesty to attend the Lusaka Commonwealth Summit”.

      As can be imagined, at Lusaka the African Heads of State argued very forcefully against any links with the Muzorewa regime and for direct talks between the British authorities and the leaders of the liberation movements, such as Joshua Nkomo, Josiah Tongogara and Robert Mugabe. Mrs. Thatcher was isolated and outclassed by ALL her Commonwealth colleagues from around the globe, including New Zealand and Australia.

      Mrs Thatcher and her Cabinet colleagues were completely out-manoeuvred in their last-minute attempts to reverse the situation at Lusaka where the Summit in its entirety passed a resolution which led to the organisation of the Lancaster House Talks, to the temporary return of Rhodesia to colonial status under the British and to the eventual Agreement to prepare for majority rule and independence for Zimbabwe.

      Mwalimu attended his last Commonwealth summit as President of Tanzania in 1985 in the Bahamas and once more had to ensure, together with President Kaunda, that the Organisation's efforts in the direction of South Africa were not diluted by British interests. The Bahamas Summit had decided to send an Eminent Persons Group (the EPG) to South Africa to meet the leadership there to ascertain the seriousness of their declarations regarding political change in that country.

      After the Summit ended and before the EPG set out, the British press announced that the EPG would be led by the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Geoffrey Howe. The reactions from Dar es Salaam and Lusaka were immediate and unequivocal; the two Presidents rejected the very idea of the EPG if led by the British. Chief Emeka Anyaoku flew to meet Mwalimu and subsequently to see President Kaunda to re-assure them that the EPG would be led not by the British but by 2 co-chairmen; General Olesegun Obasanjo of Nigeria and Malcolm Fraser of Australia.

      Finally, former Secretary-General Anyaoku recounts with pride that it was at the Kuala Lumpur Summit of 1989 that the Commonwealth leaders took the initiative of establishing the South Commission and the South Center and invited Mwalimu Nyerere to be the Chairman.

      This was a fitting and lasting tribute to a champion of South-South cooperation and an advocate of the South in global affairs. Throughout his long and creative association with the many international forums he attended, he brilliantly practised what he believed – the common humanity and equality of all. At the Commonwealth, he led by example and so shaped the history of the institution and the very meaning of international solidarity.
      "Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfil it, or betray it"/Kila kizazi, katika utata wa kipindi chake, lazima kiutambue wajibu wake na kiutekeleze au kiusaliti - Frantz Fanon

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      Default Re: Tanzania's Foreign Policy

      Quote By Game Theory View Post
      duh!

      siamini kama niliandika hayo hapo juu
      Ni moja ya thread nzuri ulizowah kuzituma

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      Default Re: Tanzania's Foreign Policy

      Since the Election and Kikwet's presidentship we notice that Tanznaia is becoming the darling of the West esp.USA! The praise accorded to Mwalimu by the US Ambassador a few months ago is unprcented as US has always considered Mwalimu in bad light.
      What is at stake?
      USA wants to create another PAKISTAN in Africa..and the Tz is the best bet.......
      I am sure Kikwete is the stooge of US and this si a dangerous trend.
      Tz should look towrads India nd China.....................let us ponderr and discuss this issue in detail..
      Thanks

    8. Movie-Date

    9. Game Theory's Avatar
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      Default Re: Tanzania's Foreign Policy

      ahhh well

      no one cares

      kila mmoja anaangalia atapata vipio dili wamalize vibanda vyao

    10. Kekuye's Avatar
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      Default Re: Tanzania's Foreign Policy

      Quote By Companero View Post
      GT tutofautishe FP yetu wakati wa JKN na wakati wa AHM, BWM na JMK - Huwezi kusema hii FP hapa chini ndio hii tuliyonayo sasa!

      Nyerere and the Commonwealth

      Chief Emeka Anyaoku with Annar Cassam

      2009-10-13, Issue 452

      http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/59508

      The sun set over the British empire in the aftermath of the Second World War and simultaneously, with the independence of India in 1948, there was born a new multinational institution, the Commonwealth of Nations. The new Republic of India became its first non white member in 1949, joining the older ex-dominions of Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa.

      Ghana, the first independent country from Africa, joined in 1957 and the decade of the 1960s began with a memorable episode in international diplomacy initiated by Julius Nyerere, the leader of the soon-to-be-independent Tanganyika in 1961. The stage was the annual Commonwealth Heads of State and Government Meeting in London in July 1961. On the eve of this gathering, Nyerere (whose own country’s Uhuru date was already set for December 1961), wrote a letter to the Observer and the Manchester Guardian which seriously rattled the British establishment.

      The letter also and above all shook the South African government for it questioned the presence of a racist regime in an international institution based on the principles of mutual respect and equality among all nations, new and old. How could Africa join an organisation which had as its member a state which applied apartheid and white supremacy as its official policy, asked Nyerere. In a well-argued letter, he explained that his country would definitely not seek membership in such a case and that his example could well be followed by other African, Asian and Caribbean countries soon to gain independence from the U.K.

      The case was unanswerable and Nyerere was seconded by the then Prime Minister of Canada, John Diefenbaker, who took on the task of “persuading” his South African counterpart (Henrik Verwoerd) to resign from the Commonwealth rather than face being expelled from it. The South Africans left the meeting forthwith, Mwalimu remained and six months later in the same year, Tanganyika was welcomed as a full member.

      This event was recalled by the distinguished Nigerian diplomat, Emeka Anyaoku, who spent 34 years at the Commonwealth Secretariat and who became its Secretary-General from 1990 to 2000. As he explained, he had the privilege of observing, aiding and accompanying President Nyerere in his many interventions and initiatives on behalf of Africa and the Third World in general and on behalf of the liberation struggle of South and Southern Africa in particular. In many of these instances, the President came into serious conflict with the British government of the day, for the Commonwealth connection did not turn out to be the cosy network they had perhaps once imagined.

      A most difficult chapter opened in 1965 when Ian Smith, head of the white settlers in control of the British colony of Rhodesia, declared himself and the colony “independent” of British rule under UDI (for Universal Declaration of Independence). The matter was discussed at the Organization of African Unity (OAU) Summit that year and President Nyerere and his colleagues demanded in a Resolution that the British government take responsibility for this illegal act of usurpation on the part of Smith, failing which OAU member states would end diplomatic relations with the U.K.

      Mwalimu argued that the British should follow the example of General De Gaulle who had had to face a similar challenge from some French settlers of Algeria whose attempt to act unilaterally had been rejected forcefully by the General. The Labour Government of Harold Wilson refused to force Smith to return to legality and in December 1965, Tanzania and Ghana ended all diplomatic contacts with the U.K.

      As Chief Anyaoku points out, the matter did not rest there. Mwalimu was consistent in his relentless opposition to racist politics no matter where these were manifest. In this way, he mobilised and inspired many other Commonwealth citizens. One such was the first Secretary General of the Commonwealth, the Canadian Arnold Smith, appointed in 1965. In 1966, at the meeting of the Commonwealth Law Ministers held in London, Arnold Smith solved the dilemma of the break in relations between the U.K. administration and the African states mentioned above in an innovative manner. He invited and encouraged these delegations to come to London because he took the position that the Commonwealth was an international organisation whose activities were not subject to the policies of the host government. He cited the example of the presence of Cuba at the UN in New York. The Law Ministers in question duly attended the meeting at Marlborough House, London.

      In September of the same year, these countries also attended the Heads of State and Government Meeting in London where once more, Nyerere led the charge to get the British to act on Ian Smith in Rhodesia. The African group demanded action in the form of sanctions against Rhodesia but the British Prime Minister proposed mere talks with the rebel regime. As a result, the Africans proposed and the Summit adopted the famous resolution on NIBMAR (No Independence Before Majority African Rule) which embarrassed the British, if not the Rhodesian rebels, in a significant manner.

      By the time of the 1971 Commonwealth Summit held in Singapore, another conflict had arisen between Nyerere and the British government, now led by Prime Minister Edward Heath. The British gave notice of their decision to revive the Simonstown Agreement with South Africa for the sale of British arms to that country. Mwalimu protested that these arms were destined to be used against the black population of South Africa and as such the Agreement was indefensible. The British rejected this argument based on the legalistic position of the duty of states to respect treaty obligations. Matters came to a head at Singapore when Mwalimu, supported by President Kaunda of Zambia and President Obote of Uganda, strongly challenged Prime Minister Heath on the Simonstown Agreement issue. In the end, the British bowed to pressure from Africa and the rest of the Commonwealth but a heavy price was paid at the Summit by Uganda whose President was deposed in a coup d’état while attending the meeting and whose population subsequently suffered for years under the bloody and demented reign of Idi Amin.

      These Summits were not always so confrontational, as Chief Anyaoku points out. Mwalimu was not always on the war-path with the opposition in these meetings! His preferred method was a mixture of intellectual argument and gentle humour as was the case at the 1975 Summit in Jamaica. During the discussion on the liberation struggle in Africa, President Kaunda had given an emotional statement praising the solidarity and concrete help given to the liberation movements by China and the USSR. Whereupon Prime Minister Lee Kwan Yew of Singapore chided him for having “let the cat out of the bag” by revealing an open secret. Mwalimu immediately diffused the situation in a memorable and spontaneous aphorism, namely that “when the mice are out, we must let out the cat!”

      The years 1974-75 brought momentous changes for the liberation struggle in Africa with the collapse of the Salazar regime in Lisbon, the liberation of Mozambique by FRELIMO and the attempted South African invasion of Angola, an attempt that was thwarted by Cuban military assistance to the besieged MPLA government in Luanda. These events destabilised the Cold War boundary-lines in Africa which the West had taken for granted and which the USA especially could not abandon, caught as the Americans were in an ideological time-warp of their own making, in spite of their defeat in Vietnam in 1975. Henry Kissinger's visit to Dar es Salaam in 1977 to meet Nyerere, Chairman of the Frontline States, was a belated exercise in shuffle diplomacy; times had changed and so had the realities on the ground.

      By 1979, the Commonwealth too had changed and into this changed world stepped the next British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher to face a cast of experienced old-timers such as Nyerere, Kaunda, Ian Smith and the Queen, the perennial symbolic Head of the Commonwealth. The organisation's Secretary-General was now the former Attorney General of Guyana, Shridath 'Sonny' Ramphal, and his Deputy was Emeka Anyaoku, the living institutional memory of the organisation.

      The liberation struggle in southern Africa had also been transformed by the formation of the Frontline States, FLS (Tanzania, Zambia, Mozambique, Botswana and Angola) under the chairmanship of President Nyerere. The next chapter in the FLS strategy centered on the liberation of Rhodesia from the illegal grip of Ian Smith who had never been challenged by the British crown and who had by now made the place into a 'republic.' In 1979, under a so-called “internal settlement”, Smith appointed the first black Prime Minster, Bishop Abel Muzorewa and began to negotiate with the new British government for formal recognition.

      At President Kaunda's invitation, the venue of the 1979 Commonwealth Summit was Lusaka and the date was set for August. In May of that year, it became known that Mrs. Thatcher was preparing to recognise the Muzorewa government in spite of the fact that the British had ended formal diplomatic ties with Smith some years previously. In July, the rightwing Prime Minister of New Zealand, Robert Muldoon, came to London to lunch with Mrs. Thatcher, following which he gave a press conference to explain to the media how very concerned he was about the level of safety and security arrangements concerning the Queen during her stay in Lusaka. Within hours, at 6p.m. Buckingham Palace issued a statement to the effect that “it remained the firm intention of Her Majesty to attend the Lusaka Commonwealth Summit”.

      As can be imagined, at Lusaka the African Heads of State argued very forcefully against any links with the Muzorewa regime and for direct talks between the British authorities and the leaders of the liberation movements, such as Joshua Nkomo, Josiah Tongogara and Robert Mugabe. Mrs. Thatcher was isolated and outclassed by ALL her Commonwealth colleagues from around the globe, including New Zealand and Australia.

      Mrs Thatcher and her Cabinet colleagues were completely out-manoeuvred in their last-minute attempts to reverse the situation at Lusaka where the Summit in its entirety passed a resolution which led to the organisation of the Lancaster House Talks, to the temporary return of Rhodesia to colonial status under the British and to the eventual Agreement to prepare for majority rule and independence for Zimbabwe.

      Mwalimu attended his last Commonwealth summit as President of Tanzania in 1985 in the Bahamas and once more had to ensure, together with President Kaunda, that the Organisation's efforts in the direction of South Africa were not diluted by British interests. The Bahamas Summit had decided to send an Eminent Persons Group (the EPG) to South Africa to meet the leadership there to ascertain the seriousness of their declarations regarding political change in that country.

      After the Summit ended and before the EPG set out, the British press announced that the EPG would be led by the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Geoffrey Howe. The reactions from Dar es Salaam and Lusaka were immediate and unequivocal; the two Presidents rejected the very idea of the EPG if led by the British. Chief Emeka Anyaoku flew to meet Mwalimu and subsequently to see President Kaunda to re-assure them that the EPG would be led not by the British but by 2 co-chairmen; General Olesegun Obasanjo of Nigeria and Malcolm Fraser of Australia.

      Finally, former Secretary-General Anyaoku recounts with pride that it was at the Kuala Lumpur Summit of 1989 that the Commonwealth leaders took the initiative of establishing the South Commission and the South Center and invited Mwalimu Nyerere to be the Chairman.

      This was a fitting and lasting tribute to a champion of South-South cooperation and an advocate of the South in global affairs. Throughout his long and creative association with the many international forums he attended, he brilliantly practised what he believed – the common humanity and equality of all. At the Commonwealth, he led by example and so shaped the history of the institution and the very meaning of international solidarity.
      Mkuu Companero I totally agree with what you are saying. But probably one point to note is that if you look at the principles of the new foreign policy and those of the old one (Outlined by the Presidential Circular No 2 of 1964) you will realise that they are more or less the same except that the ordering has changed. And issues such as human rights, economic cooperation/economic development have been added to the New FP principles. But it is obvious that the stategies, objectives have changed.

      But I doubt whether we lack a good FP or how qualified (I mean in terms commitment and the understanding of the policy itself) Tanzanians are.
      Mkuu GT has raised the question as to ''why academics fail to produce skilled professionals and initiate national debate on FP"
      -Part of the reason could be ''academics//consultancy syndrome'' in the sense that FP is not the centre of focus.
      -Basing on the above, to what extent the government and the academics willing to invest in such important national issue. This also includes the government's support such institutions mandated to train/produce skilled professionals-in terms of both material and human resources.

    11. Udadisi's Avatar
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      Quote By Kekuye View Post
      Mkuu Companero I totally agree with what you are saying. But probably one point to note is that if you look at the principles of the new foreign policy and those of the old one (Outlined by the Presidential Circular No 2 of 1964) you will realise that they are more or less the same except that the ordering has changed. And issues such as human rights, economic cooperation/economic development have been added to the New FP principles. But it is obvious that the stategies, objectives have changed.

      But I doubt whether we lack a good FP or how qualified (I mean in terms commitment and the understanding of the policy itself) Tanzanians are.
      Mkuu GT has raised the question as to ''why academics fail to produce skilled professionals and initiate national debate on FP"
      -Part of the reason could be ''academics//consultancy syndrome'' in the sense that FP is not the centre of focus.
      -Basing on the above, to what extent the government and the academics willing to invest in such important national issue. This also includes the government's support such institutions mandated to train/produce skilled professionals-in terms of both material and human resources.
      Asante Keku. Academics wa nje ya Ivory Towers tunafuatilia. Alipokuja kututumbelea GW Bush niliandika maneno haya gazetini:

      Rethinking foreign policy is particularly pertinent in a country that pathetically fall into the pitfalls of being in the losing end in international negotiations. Tanzania cannot afford to gullibly wonder at the mighty nation and its president. While our finest countrywomen and men are lured to embrace the ‘American Dream,’ our country should also shrewdly unravel the rules of the foreign policy game. It must not ignore or take for granted the basics of this game even if they seem to yield unquantifiable results.

      The former [US] Secretary of State [Madelein Albright] underscores some of these basics. The art of statecraft, she observes, “requires a clear grasp of what matters most to those we are trying to influence. For businesspeople, this translates into ‘knowing your customer.’ In world affairs, it means learning about foreign countries and cultures.” No wonder they invest heavily in getting to know our best minds while we simply wonder at their generosity!

      Indeed the decisive battlefield in foreign policy is the one of ideas. Thus, the question on whether our torch is that of freedom or liberty is a wake up call to rethink subtly synonymous ideas. It is a plea to look inward and see how much we have in store to achieve our version of the historically denied vision of ‘Liberty, Equality and Fraternity.’
      "Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfil it, or betray it"/Kila kizazi, katika utata wa kipindi chake, lazima kiutambue wajibu wake na kiutekeleze au kiusaliti - Frantz Fanon

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      Quote By Kekuye View Post
      Mkuu Companero I totally agree with what you are saying. But probably one point to note is that if you look at the principles of the new foreign policy and those of the old one (Outlined by the Presidential Circular No 2 of 1964) you will realise that they are more or less the same except that the ordering has changed. And issues such as human rights, economic cooperation/economic development have been added to the New FP principles. But it is obvious that the stategies, objectives have changed.

      But I doubt whether we lack a good FP or how qualified (I mean in terms commitment and the understanding of the policy itself) Tanzanians are.
      Mkuu GT has raised the question as to ''why academics fail to produce skilled professionals and initiate national debate on FP"
      -Part of the reason could be ''academics//consultancy syndrome'' in the sense that FP is not the centre of focus.
      -Basing on the above, to what extent the government and the academics willing to invest in such important national issue. This also includes the government's support such institutions mandated to train/produce skilled professionals-in terms of both material and human resources.
      well, where are they? dont tell me Chuo cha Diplomasia?

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      Quote By Game Theory View Post
      well, where are they? dont tell me Chuo cha Diplomasia?

      Hivi Chuo Cha Diplomasia wanafundisha nini pale? kukaanga chipsi?
      The Singularity is Near.

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      Quote By Bluray View Post
      Hivi Chuo Cha Diplomasia wanafundisha nini pale? kukaanga chipsi?
      Hivi ushaisoma thesis ya Membe aliyoandika John Hopkins?

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      In other news...slightly related:

      KENYA COMMERCIAL BANK wamefungua BRANCH kule JUBA southern Sudan

      then Leo nimekutana na hii:

      Kenya to spend Sh224 mil on Sudanese officials
      TABJ – Jan. 5 – Kenya will spend Sh224 million this financial year to train south Sudanese public officials, Nairobi's Business Daily is reporting. The investment, intended to strengthen ties between Kenya and Sudan's south, will go ahead regardless of the outcome of a referendum .

      The Kenyan government will have spent Sh280 million to train Sudanese civil servants in total, according to the report. Acting foreign affairs minister George Saitoti told Business Daily that Nairobi would also lend southern Sudan “any further assistance it may require.”
      Nearly 4 million people are registered to vote in the referendum – about half the population of south Sudan.


      A separation between the Muslim north and largely Christian south would have serious economic ramifications. Sudan is one of Africa's largest oil exporters, but the vast majority of its crude production is in the semi-autonomous south.

      Kenya to spend Sh224 mil on Sudanese officials - The African Business Journal




      Call me crazy if you want but I think MoFA pamoja na waziri MEMBE are not fit for purpose if you ask me

      This is the man that wants to be the next president of this country and he couldn't find a budget for his Ministry's website.

      Its obvious kuwa SS will be the WORLDS NEWEST COUNTRY je tuna mikakati gani ya kuhakikisha wafanya biashara pamoja na taifa kwa ujumla linanufaika na hili taifa jipya la SS?

      I cant wait kuwaona MoFA apologists wanakuja kutetea jambo ambalo haliteteeki

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      sisi marafiki zetu wabakie wale wa kaskazini..hawa wa kusini bado ni undefined matter!!!!

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      Kulikoni unachosema ni kile ulichokifikia wewe labda na serikali yako ya Rais wa NEC. Hakuna Economic Diplomacy as a policy hayo ni maneno ya siasa za wapuuzi wasiokuwa na utashi wa kitaifa.

      Economic Policies and Practices can not be created nor invented now and not in acountry like Tanzania and we do not have to. It is a matter of a choice of economic strategies which suite your vision. Sasa vision yenyewe ya kukopi na kupaste. Economic Diplomacy ya kuuza vivutio vya utalii ambavyo havijatayarishwa zaidi vinaharibiwa kwa maamuzi ya kujikomba. mfano barabara kupitia Serengeti wanaojua wameshauri ni urithi wa dunia sisi tunataka kutimiza ahadi ya mfukoni ya Rais.

      Mimi nakubaliana kabisa na mwenye kupost thread pia na baadhi ya wachangiaji hatuna sera ya Mambo ya Nje kwa sababu zifuatazo.

      1. Ingekuwa ni sera ya taifa inayohimili mabadiliko ya viongozi wa siasa yaani inayokubalika na vyama vote. Mfano sera ya Marekani kuhusu Israel itatekelezwa na Democrats na Republican wakiwa madarakani. Ikibadilishwa inabaki kuwa ya kitaifa.

      2. Hakuna uwezo (Capacity) yo yote ya kusustain a national policy acha economic policy. Tunafikiria mwisho wa pua. Tuna mfumo mbovu wa kila kitu elimu, uchumi, siasa etc. Mbaya zaidi WATAWALA wetu hawajui kama hawajui mifumo hii haiwapeleki po pote.

      3. Tumejenga tabaka la watendaji lililodumazwa kimawazo (hasa ya kisiasa) tukakasimu utaifa wetu kwao. Mwanasiasa mpumbavu anazungumzia kitu cha kipumbavu mtaalamu unategemea amshauri vizuri ananung'unika tu. matokeo yake ndiyo hayo wanachoweza kumwambia mtaliano ni kuwa kariakoo si salama; hawana hoja kwa hiyo saizi yao ni mzungumzo ya mtaani tu.

      4. Fursa za kupata michango hasa ya mawazo mazuri ya watu wenye upeo imeporwa kwa mfumo wa mwenzetu. Lazima upenye kwenye kundi lao ili wakusikilize. Nani anataka kuingia kwenye kundi la wapuuzi.

      Mkapa alimuomba rais wa india msaada wa maendeleo jibu tunalijua wote MNAYO DIRA, DHAMIRA kwa maana nyingine mnao utashi? Tukubali ukweli pamoja na wengi wetu kutaka na kuwa na matumaini na uwezo wa kuipeleka nchi yetu kimaendeleo kizingiti kimekuwa uongozi (utawala) kuwa mbovu siku hadi siku. Ni vicious circle. Matumaini yetu ni hili vugu vugu la siasa linaweza kutoa fursa fulani.

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      Quote By kulikoni View Post
      i am a firm believer of ari mpya na najua safari hii for sure tutajikwamua matatizoni, give us time and support and challenge!
      kama ndiyo hivyo ndiyo maana unang'ania sera ambayo haipo

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      Just when you need our bina fide International Affairs expat bwana MBOPO...no where to be seen

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      hakuna mwenye interest na mambo haya. watu wana focus na namna ya kumaliza mabanda yao

      Let it go

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      Quote By Mwanagenzi View Post
      JK: Record gave us UN job
      DEOGRATIAS MUSHI
      Daily News; Tuesday,January 09, 2007

      PRESIDENT Jakaya Kikwete yesterday decribed the appointment of Dr Asha-Rose Migiro as the Deputy Secretary General of the United Nations as the outcome of Tanzania's reputable foreign policy...

      Continue to discuss...
      "Good Catch" I am not sure Where Kikwete was Born and Who Thought Him "Migiro Position Reflects Tanzania Foreign Policy?" This Here is Major Blunder and Continue to Show Why This Joker Got to Go. JK Worked as Foreign Ministry for How Many Years and He Still Reflects UN Jobs as Country's Success? Migiro she isn't There for Tanzanians. Migiro was Given This Position Due to Tanzania Weakness in Foreign Policy. If We Understand UN Well, We Will Find Powerful Countries Always Want Weak Countries to be Apart of UN so They Can Push Their Own Agendas. UN isn't Functional Body for Poor Countries or True Democracy. What Happen to Iraq War and Congo, If UN Couldn't Stop These Crimess and Much So They Can't Prosecute No One for Open Lies. JK is Just Empty in His Head...

    22. #159
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      Licha ya 'eat good food and dress brand-name clothes' policy lakini main foreign policy ya serikali ya CCM ipo wazi kabisa ambayo ni: Kuitangaza CCM, kufungua matawi ya CCM na kutafuta wanachama wasomi wa CCM nje za nchi. Naamini wengi hawaipendi hii policy, lakini ndio iliyopo.

      Party za serikali ya CCM kwenye balozi zetu nchi za nje zinafana sana na matawi ya CCM yameanzishwa mengi sana.

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      I just found this thread wakati natafuta literature kuhusu FP ya Tanzania. I really want to write a nice piece of work in an International Journal on the future of our foreign policy and the allignment of our priorities. Jamani kama alivyosema GT watanzania wengi hatupendi kuandika kabisa. People are so much interested in making some $$$ no body is thinking kuandika. Yet without writing..trust me..we go nowhere... Sometimes I wonder hivi watu wakiomba kazi wanaandika nini kwenye CV zao? Honestly, I find it scary kwamba mtu amefanya kazi kwenye foreign ministry kama Tanzania au other departments..lakini the guy hardly has a publication not even in Mzumbe Journal! You might say..wanaandika academicians..lakini katika dunia ya leo you have to keep abreast na events za dunia....kama tungejua think tank ya US FP iko kwa akina NYE huko Harvard na wengineo huko Princeton..ndo tunge-appreciate huu umuhimu. Lakini mi sishangai..hii dhana ya kuteuana kwa kupeana zawadi..ndo inatufikisha hapa

      Anyway, I think kulalamika doesnt help us..we should take up this challenge and critique our FP and how we can improve it.

      Jamani watanzania tuache mambo ya utani kwa vitu serious. Membe ajiri vijana ambao wata-contribute something kwenye hiyo wizara yetu nyeti. Tatizo watu wanaona hiyo wizara kama point ya kutokea...kila mtu anataka mwanae aje hapo..apelekwe US na kwingineko..lakini ubaya ni kwamba we deal with mediocres ambao hawawezi kushindana na articulate men and women from IVY Leagues na kwingineko.

      Its high time we invest in our soft power capabilities.

      We really need to challenge our compatriots kuweka maslahi ya taifa mbele....Kenya are doing a great job in this aspect. Uganda alike. Sisi mpaka leo tunakula matunda ya Mwalimu. We need to create FP yenye maslahi kwa taifa letu.

      Mtu yeyote ambaye ameandika in this aspect..please kindly share....
      Silaha ya maskini ni elimu.

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